Captain Robert Clay Blain
Of Casey county, Kentucky
And his service with the
Wild Riders of the 1st Kentucky Cavalry
(Presented by Chuck Lott, Perryville Battlefield avocational historian/Interpretive Specialist, in large measure through excerpts from the above titled Regimental history, as written by regimental clerk Sergeant E. Tarrant, and published in 1894.)
Capt. Robert Clay Blain was born in Stanford, Kentucky, May 15, 1842, the son of State Senator Robert Blain [1853-1857], where he lived until August 6, 1861, when he enlisted in Co. F., First Kentucky cavalry as Second Lieutenant. At the battle of Perryville, his Captain was killed, and 1st Lieutenant Jenkins [brother to the deceased captain] resigned. Lieutenant Blain was elected to Captaincy of company F on November 13th, 1862. He participated in numerous hard fought battles and was always conspicuous for his courage. He was an elder in the Presbyterian church and a Royal Arch Mason in good standing, a man of exemplary habits, strong character and loved by all who knew him. Died: Williamsburg, Grant county, Kentucky, August 7, 1906.
Brief History
The 1st Regiment, Kentucky Cavalry was organized at Liberty, Burkeville and Monticello, Kentucky, October, 1861, and mustered in October 28, 1861. Veterans and recruits consolidated to a Battalion of 3 Companies in late 1864 and were on duty at various points in Kentucky, operating against guerrillas and quieting country, until September, 1865. The regiment mustered out September 20, 1865.
The First Kentucky Cavalry, commonly known as “Wolford’s Cavalry, was organized at Camp Dick Robinson, under Colonel Frank Wolford, and mustered into the United States service on the 28th day of October, 1861, The regiment was placed upon active duty and participated in many skirmishes and all the early battles in Kentucky. Acquiring great efficiency as scouts, they were constantly kept at the front.
The First Kentucky Cavalry repeatedly skirmished with the Confederate Army's John Hunt Morgan and Morgan's Raiders all over Kentucky and Tennessee, hotly contested areas with both Confederate and Union sympathizers among the locals.
When the somber cloud appeared in the political atmosphere after the election of Mr. Lincoln in 1860, the great mass of the people in Kentucky were sad, and stood aghast at the impending storm. A scant ten years earlier their own Henry Clay had stated that: “Kentucky views disunion, itself, as one of the greatest of evils, and a remedy for nothing.” The principal cause why the people of Kentucky had waivered so long on the issue of neutrality was that they did not wish to imbrue their hands with fraternal blood. While the State had been born of “Old Virginia” and its’ people generally had intimate social and commercial relations with the South, many Kentuckians had, by 1860 peopled the younger Northwestern States., where commercial ties were rapidly developing along the many Northern railroads.
War, being inevitable, and hostilities already having commence, the loyal men of Kentucky were eager to show their devotion to the cause which they espoused. The true Union men of Kentucky, composing the regiments soon to be organized at Camp Dick Robinson, did not wait to see whether coercion would be popular or unpopular, either North or South, East or West, only waiting to be enrolled in the grand army which was destined to crush the most gigantic rebellion known in modern times. On July 17th of 1861, Frank Wolford addressed a large number of citizens in eastern Casey county, enlisting several at that time. Several other meetings were quickly held in southeastern Casey county, Rolling Forks and Fishing Creek, Liberty and the Green River valley where other rolls were filled for companies A through E, by July 27th. A multitude of Clinton county loyalists had been present in Albany to listen to Judge Bramlettes’ patriotic address for the Third Kentucky Infantry. Many of these men, including several from across the State line in Fentress and Overton counties of Tennessee, did not wish to be Infantry and completed a full company of Cavalry on that day. It was made known to the men that they were to furnish their own horses and horse equipment, and after organization the men were dismissed for ten days to arrange their business affairs.
“Early Friday morning, in Liberty, August 6th, 1861, we mounted our war steeds, and with Col. Wolford and captain Sweeney in the lead, with “martial pomp” we took up our line of march for camp Dick Robinson, some forty miles distant. It was about sundown when we reached Camp Dick Robinson, and the men and horses were weary and hungry. On approaching the place an official met us and piloted us inside the lines where we halted. Both men and horses were not used to fasting and hard marching, and the government was either not looking for so many that evening, or was very neglectful in making provisions for us. Many went supper-less and dinnerless to repose, their bed-room being the broad expanse, their cover natures canopy, and their couches the famed blue-grass with the tree roots for pillows. The next morning the romance of soldiering began to vanish.” Over the next two weeks companies continued to arrive at camp until 12 companies filled the regimental roster. The public image of gallant cavalry patrols cantering down the road, must be put aside at this point, to fully understand the sacrifices these men made, and the hardships they endured. Irrespective of season or weather, the cavalry moved as directed, the troops spending long hours in the saddle, and then caring for their mounts, before they themselves could rest, often unsheltered, upon the ground. It was the task of the cavalry to reach far, find the enemy, and engage, divert, or scout him. Operating, largely in their own well known territory, the undisciplined First was quick to learn from their opponents, and adapt the situation to their own advantage.
The one tool that enabled the cavalryman to accomplish his task was the horse. The standard image that comes to the contemporary mind is that of a strong, healthy, standard bred for each and every trooper. The reality was far different.
The First KY CAV was famous for its’ lack of drill.. What the First lacked in drill it made up for in horsemanship. The First spent most of the war chasing Gen. John Hunt Morgan. They defeated Morgan on two separate engagements and were the only Union cavalry Regiment he had respect for which was proven when he was captured in Ohio and he gave Col. Wolford his personal silver spurs to wear for the rest of the war (until he was dishonorably discharged in 1864 for voicing his strong public dislike of AbrahamLincoln.)
Often dressed to the same “Casual standard” as one of his enlisted men, Col. Wolford would work and move among them, sharing their activities coming to know them personally, and by doing so enjoyed the trust and respect of the men under his command. To understand the man, is nearly to understand the regiment.
Col. Frank L. Wolford
While Colonel Wolford's regiment was stationed at Camp Dick Robinson, a citizen inquired for him. An officer pointed him to the Colonel. The citizen said, "Do you mean to insult me? I want to see the Colonel. I want no burlesque." He expected to see a fine-looking officer, dressed in splendid uniform, but was disappointed, as Colonel Wolford is an unhandsome man, dressing in plain attire.
Tarrant writes:
“The First Kentucky Cavalry both during the war and since has often been twitted in newspaper articles and official reports for its want of military training and discipline. In justice to the regiment, it is necessary to explain why the men were not so well drilled as some others. The explanation can be given in a few words; stern military necessity never allowed them the opportunity at the beginning. Two first class drill masters belonged to the regiment, Major FM Helviti and Lieut. Col. John W. Letcher, mentioned in order of their efficiency. For a short time after entering camp the men went through their daily drills the same as other regiments. The men were apt to learn, advanced rapidly, and took much delight in the exercises, particularly rapid maneuvers. It is believed by those acquainted with the facts, if time had been allowed for the continuance of their exercises it would have been one of the best drilled regiments in the service. But, notwithstanding the want of time for sufficient training the commands; Huddle up, Scatter out, Git up and git, Form a line of fight and so on attributed to Col. Wolford by some decision and by others as a pleasant burlesque are rather more fanciful than true. Though all of the commands of the Colonel may not have been in exact accordance with standard military authority, yet the author [Tarrant] never heard such ridiculous ones given as the foregoing, unless it was done for mere fun. There were other reasons in afortimes why they did not have an exalted respect for too much red tape. Col. Wolford, though he had experience in a previous war, had particular notions of his own. He cared but little for prescribed forms of maneuvering his men so he got them shaped to suit himself. He believed a soldier’s efficiency depended more on his fighting qualities than on ability to go through fancy maneuvers. He estimated a man not by rank or position, but by his real worth. He respected it though it might be found in the coarsest garb or rank. Furthermore, about eight companies, enough to type the regiment, came from the outlying spurs and valleys of the Cumberland Mountains. The habitual freedom of their former lives rendered them more resistive to much restrictions than those in the more and wealthier sections of the State. Taking all these into consideration, it is not strange that they should have a distaste against military martinets, and in return should receive the ill will of that class.”
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Frank Lane Wolford (1817-1895) is a study in dichotomy reflecting the deep rooted divisions among the citizenry of his native Bluegrass state. He was a resonating clash of principles and politics undone by forceful character and perhaps a dose of military incompetence. Arguably, the shining patriotic motifs symbolized by his very sword were sullied by the deliberate actions of its owner, unleashing a storm of controversy the very day it was presented “by the loyal citizens of Garrard County in March 1864. The year before, Major J.A. Brents, formerly of the 1st Kentucky Cavalry had authored a book entitled The Patriots and Guerillas in which he eloquently praised his superior as an “uncompromising Union man.” Indeed, Captain Wolford was a man of uncompromising character, a one time Kentucky legislator and esteemed lawyer who had served in Mexico and valiantly fought hand-to-hand to save his commanding officer Henry Clay, Jr. even as the son of the hereditary Kentucky icon lay mortally wounded at Buena Vista. Not an adherent of neutrality, Wolford raised the standard of the Union 1st Kentucky Cavalry in the fall of 1861. The “Wildcats” as they were known after an action at Wildcat Mountain, Kentucky fought at Mill Springs, Lebanon, Tennessee—where Wolford was “dangerously wounded in the abdomen”—and Perryville. Still, Colonel Wolford spent the greater portion of his active service in the shadow of fellow Kentuckian John Hunt Morgan, effectively policing the Commonwealth’s all too vulnerable lines of communication from perennial raiders attracted to the Bluegrass like magnets. It is said that after 24 days of pursuing John Morgan through Ohio, Colonel Wolford happened to intervene as a flush General James M. Shackelford, also a Kentuckian, berated his celebrated prisoner. As Morgan had not eaten, Wolford casually treated the famous raider to a chicken dinner at a nearby Wellsville hotel and in exchange Morgan presented Wolford with his silver spurs before he was packed off to the Ohio Penitentiary. In August 1863 the regiment entered East Tennessee and endured the dismal Knoxville campaign that fall. Late in the winter the depleted 1st Kentucky returned home to reorganize and allow the men veteran’s furlough. By April 1864 the Cavalry Bureau in Washington had received the routine report of chief inspector Brigadier General J.H. Wilson that gave a poor grade to many of the department’s mounted regiments, particularly singling out the “incompetence” of Colonel Wolford to the point of embellishment. Quoting General Schofield, General Wilson wrote that “Colonel Wolford, in command of a division, has but two commands for it—‘scatter!’ and ‘Huddle-up!’—about all he uses.” Wilson ended the report with the frank recommendation that “regarding Colonel Wolford’s ability General Sturgis has a better opinion than most other officers; but in the opinion of the inspecting officer (Capt. William R. Price) the service would be no loser if he were relieved from the service.” Meanwhile, Colonel Wolford was back in Lexington having given a particularly noxious public speech on March 10, 1864 on the occasion of receiving “a fine presentation sword from the citizens of Garrard County.” His Excellency, Kentucky Governor Thomas E. Bramlette, a former soldier and Columbus attorney, was also present on the dais thus assuring newspaper coverage of the event. In the clamor Colonel Wolford had passionately “denounced the President as a tyrant and usurper, and advised Kentucky to forcibly resist the drafting of Negroes.” Impassioned spontaneity was not to blame as two days earlier Wolford had delivered a similar inflammatory speech at Danville, Kentucky railing against General Burbridge`s order to enlist blacks. The issue of drafting blacks—now a policy mandate of the Lincoln administration—was at once divisive, particularly among Midwesterners and in “loyal” Border States and many held that an uncomfortable line had been crossed in the murky pursuit of Emancipation. Read Civil War letters from the period and you are inclined to believe that Wolford simply echoed in words what many white soldiers in the army already understood to be an unwritten fact. Untold amounts of blood had been spilled to bring the Southern states back into the Union, not to free the black race and then arm them. Wolford’s inflammatory speech came to the attention of General Schofield, no admirer of the colonel, on March 12 and the general ordered the local provost marshal to ascertain the facts and arrest Wolford. The provost marshal reported to Washington that “the general sense of the State is opposed to Colonel Wolford’s course,” yet he also acknowledged several instances in which enrolling officers were physically threatened by “drunken and other citizens,” even soldiers, and reported that local military authorities had withheld assistance. Presentation sword in hand, Colonel Wolford was arrested on March 11 and confined at Louisville although not formally charged. From the government’s viewpoint, its supreme authority had been publicly challenged in the midst of an increasingly unpopular war. April correspondence between the Provost Marshal General in Washington and authorities in Louisville temporized, “I think that the dismissal of Colonel Wolford would serve a good purpose in tranquilizing the State as indicating to others that they would not be sustained in resistance and as showing that the General Government is omnipotent in enforcing its laws.” As the crisis brewed, President Lincoln suspended the writ of habeas corpus in Kentucky on July 5. In a letter dated July 17 the President sought to mitigate the matter by offering Colonel Wolford a parole and immediate discharge in exchange for signed document stating that he, Wolford, “will neither do nor say anything which will directly or indirectly tend to hinder, delay, or embarrass the employment and use of colored persons as soldiers…” On July 30th Wolford wrote the President a lengthy reply that is essence refused Lincoln’s offer, to whit, “I cannot bargain for my liberty and the exercise of my rights as a freeman on any such terms. I have committed no crime…” Wolford further chastised the President for playing politics, “to increase the chances of your election to the Presidency.” With Grant’s army engaged before Petersburg and Sherman exorbitantly pushing toward Atlanta the newspapers drummed pages of war copy for public consumption. Shortly afterward, Wolford was released from prison and summarily dismissed from the army only to be rearrested several times by the universally reviled General Stephen Burbridge, district commander in Kentucky responsible for overseeing black recruitment. Not surprisingly, the unrepentant Wolford reentered the political arena taking a seat in the Kentucky House which he held until 1867. He was elected to two terms in Congress beginning in 1883 and ending in 1887.