ISSUE 11
Should Female Genital Cutting Be Accepted as a Cultural Practice?
YES: Richard A. Shweder, from "What About `Female Genital
Mutilation'? And Why Understanding Culture Matters in the First
Place," Daedalus (Fall 2000)
NO: Liz Creel et al., from "Abandoning Female Genital Cutting:
Prevalence, Attitudes, and Efforts to End the Practice," A
Report of the Population Reference Bureau (August 2001)
Synopsis
Richard A. Shweder, professor of human development at the University
of Chicago, acknowledges the adverse reaction that most Westerners
have to female genital cutting (FGC), but he also notes that women
from certain African countries are repulsed by the idea of unmodified
female genitals. He suggests, "We should be slow to judge the
unfamiliar practice of female genital alterations, in part because the
horrifying assertions by... activists concerning the consequences of
the practice... are not well supported with credible scientific
evidence." Liz Creel, senior policy analyst at the Population
Reference Bureau, and her colleagues, argue that female genital
cutting (FGC), while it must be dealt with in a culturally sensitive
manner, is a practice that is detrimental to the health of girls and
women, as well as a violation of human rights in most instances. Creel
et al. recommend that African governments pass anti-FGC laws, and that
programs be expanded to educate communities about FGC and human
rights.
Discussing the Issue
There are at least five different points that students should ponder
before taking an informed stance on topic. First, female genital
cutting covers a very broad range of practices in the African context
(as described in the publication by Creel et al.). In some instances,
apparently contradictory statements in either selection may have as
much to do with the specific practices they have in mind as with the
fact that they have differing views on the general topic.
Second, the whole notion of choice, i.e., the prospect of giving girls
and women the option of undergoing or not undergoing the procedure,
implies that they are actually aware that there is a choice. Many
girls and women may just assume that this is what is done, or what is
normal. Heretical expression may not only be lacking a supportive,
individualistic culture in many rural African settings, but the
thought to dissent may not even occur in the first place. Third, if a
girl or young women opted not to undergo female genital cutting, there
could be serious social consequences in some settings. Within the
context of the educational programs advocated by Creel et al., is
there an obligation to make sure individuals are made aware of the
medical dangers of the procedure as well as the social consequences of
not being initiated? In other words, does fully informed choice
necessitate that educators share both the pros and cons of such
decisions? Furthermore, how much responsibility do outsiders bear when
they intervene to change a cultural practice?
Fourth, some African countries have a mix of ethnic groups that may or
may not practice female genital cutting (e.g., Kenya). In other
nations, such as Mali or Eritrea, the vast majority of ethnic groups,
and the population in general, practice female genital cutting. This
level of homogeneity or heterogeneity could have implications for
people's exposure to different practices (particularly in urban areas
where ethnic groups tend to mix) as well as the chances of success or
failure of education programs in this domain. Finally, the different
authors have very different views on medicalizing FGC in Africa.
Shweder believes that this will minimize health problems whereas Creel
et al. fears that this may help perpetuate the practice. How likely is
making the procedure safer going to contribute to its spread? Using an
analogy to abortion practices in the United States (which some readers
may find to be a flawed comparison), Shweder argues against the
likelihood of this. If one agrees with the argument made by Creel et
al. in this regard, are the potential medical complications and deaths
incurred in the short run (due to working to stop medicalizing the
practice) worth the longer-term possibility of ending the practice
(and the potential medical complications and deaths saved in this
manner)?
Testing on the Issue
Web Questions
1. What does Richard A. Shweder, who believes that female genital
cutting should be accepted as a cultural practice, assert should
be the response to the cases of medical complications that arise
from the practice of FGM?
a. All FGM practices should be discontinued.
b. Only the most harmful types of FGM should be discontinued.
c. Unsanitary surgical procedures or malpractice should be
corrected, but cultures should be allowed to continue the
practice of FGM.
d. Cultures should be allowed to continue their own FGM
practices without any interference.
2. According to Liz Creel et al., who do not believe that female
genital cutting should be accepted as a cultural practice, many
international conventions
a. protect FGM as an important cultural practice in many
places.
b. allow governments to intervene and stop the practice of FGM
only in cases where it causes health problems.
c. allow each country to decide how they want to deal with
cultural FGM practices.
d. recognize traditional practices such as FGM as violations of
human rights.
Multiple-Choice Questions
3. According to Shweder, the anti-FGM opinions of most Americans
are based on
a. the health problems that FGM usually causes.
b. the fact that most African girls that undergo FGM are
coerced into it.
c. unreliable evidence and moral judgments.
d. both a and b
4. Schweder asserts that most African women who do not endorse FGM
argue that it
a. is based on gender bias against women.
b. is not permitted by their religion or cultural heritage.
c. results in health problems.
d. decreases sexual pleasure.
5. According to the Creel et al., the number of girls that have
undergone FGM worldwide is over
a. 2 million.
b. 80 million.
c. 130 million.
d. 200 million.
6. According to Creel et al., why are some governments afraid to
enact strong anti-FGM legislation?
a. They fear that the practice of FGM will go underground and
make anti-FGM laws difficult to enforce.
b. They do not want to discriminate against certain cultural
groups that practice FGM.
c. They believe that it is more important to encourage safe
health procedures when FGM is practiced.
d. FGM is an important cultural tradition for the majority of
Africans.
7. Since 1988 the World Health Organization's position on FGM has
shifted from
a. regarding it as primarily a health concern to seeing it as a
human rights concern as well.
b. regarding it as primarily a human rights concern to seeing
it as a health concern as well.
c. accepting it as an important cultural practice to condemning
it as a harmful practice.
d. condemning it as a harmful practice to accepting it as an
important cultural practice.
Essay Questions
8. What evidence does Shweder use to support the idea that FGM is
neither an example of discrimination against women or of
patriarchal domination?
9. Shweder likens the practice of FGM to that of male circumcision
in some cultures. Why hasn't there been international
mobilization against the cultural practice of male circumcision?
Support your answer.
10. What were the World Health Organization's recommendations to the
UN Commission for Human Rights on ending the practice of FGM?
What do you think Shweder's response to these recommendations
would be?
11. Should developed countries that receive immigrants from
countries where FGM is a legal, accepted cultural practice be
allowed to outlaw this practice? Why or why not?
12. What do think of the policy of offering safer female genital
cutting in a hospital setting? What are the arguments for and
against this approach?
Answers1.c 2.d 3.c 4.b 5.c 6.a 7.a