Should Female Genital Cutting Be Accepted As a Cultural Practice?

Should Female Genital Cutting Be Accepted As a Cultural Practice?

ISSUE 11

Should Female Genital Cutting Be Accepted as a Cultural Practice?

YES: Richard A. Shweder, from "What About `Female Genital

Mutilation'? And Why Understanding Culture Matters in the First

Place," Daedalus (Fall 2000)

NO: Liz Creel et al., from "Abandoning Female Genital Cutting:

Prevalence, Attitudes, and Efforts to End the Practice," A

Report of the Population Reference Bureau (August 2001)

Synopsis

Richard A. Shweder, professor of human development at the University

of Chicago, acknowledges the adverse reaction that most Westerners

have to female genital cutting (FGC), but he also notes that women

from certain African countries are repulsed by the idea of unmodified

female genitals. He suggests, "We should be slow to judge the

unfamiliar practice of female genital alterations, in part because the

horrifying assertions by... activists concerning the consequences of

the practice... are not well supported with credible scientific

evidence." Liz Creel, senior policy analyst at the Population

Reference Bureau, and her colleagues, argue that female genital

cutting (FGC), while it must be dealt with in a culturally sensitive

manner, is a practice that is detrimental to the health of girls and

women, as well as a violation of human rights in most instances. Creel

et al. recommend that African governments pass anti-FGC laws, and that

programs be expanded to educate communities about FGC and human

rights.

Discussing the Issue

There are at least five different points that students should ponder

before taking an informed stance on topic. First, female genital

cutting covers a very broad range of practices in the African context

(as described in the publication by Creel et al.). In some instances,

apparently contradictory statements in either selection may have as

much to do with the specific practices they have in mind as with the

fact that they have differing views on the general topic.

Second, the whole notion of choice, i.e., the prospect of giving girls

and women the option of undergoing or not undergoing the procedure,

implies that they are actually aware that there is a choice. Many

girls and women may just assume that this is what is done, or what is

normal. Heretical expression may not only be lacking a supportive,

individualistic culture in many rural African settings, but the

thought to dissent may not even occur in the first place. Third, if a

girl or young women opted not to undergo female genital cutting, there

could be serious social consequences in some settings. Within the

context of the educational programs advocated by Creel et al., is

there an obligation to make sure individuals are made aware of the

medical dangers of the procedure as well as the social consequences of

not being initiated? In other words, does fully informed choice

necessitate that educators share both the pros and cons of such

decisions? Furthermore, how much responsibility do outsiders bear when

they intervene to change a cultural practice?

Fourth, some African countries have a mix of ethnic groups that may or

may not practice female genital cutting (e.g., Kenya). In other

nations, such as Mali or Eritrea, the vast majority of ethnic groups,

and the population in general, practice female genital cutting. This

level of homogeneity or heterogeneity could have implications for

people's exposure to different practices (particularly in urban areas

where ethnic groups tend to mix) as well as the chances of success or

failure of education programs in this domain. Finally, the different

authors have very different views on medicalizing FGC in Africa.

Shweder believes that this will minimize health problems whereas Creel

et al. fears that this may help perpetuate the practice. How likely is

making the procedure safer going to contribute to its spread? Using an

analogy to abortion practices in the United States (which some readers

may find to be a flawed comparison), Shweder argues against the

likelihood of this. If one agrees with the argument made by Creel et

al. in this regard, are the potential medical complications and deaths

incurred in the short run (due to working to stop medicalizing the

practice) worth the longer-term possibility of ending the practice

(and the potential medical complications and deaths saved in this

manner)?

Testing on the Issue

Web Questions

1. What does Richard A. Shweder, who believes that female genital

cutting should be accepted as a cultural practice, assert should

be the response to the cases of medical complications that arise

from the practice of FGM?

a. All FGM practices should be discontinued.

b. Only the most harmful types of FGM should be discontinued.

c. Unsanitary surgical procedures or malpractice should be

corrected, but cultures should be allowed to continue the

practice of FGM.

d. Cultures should be allowed to continue their own FGM

practices without any interference.

2. According to Liz Creel et al., who do not believe that female

genital cutting should be accepted as a cultural practice, many

international conventions

a. protect FGM as an important cultural practice in many

places.

b. allow governments to intervene and stop the practice of FGM

only in cases where it causes health problems.

c. allow each country to decide how they want to deal with

cultural FGM practices.

d. recognize traditional practices such as FGM as violations of

human rights.

Multiple-Choice Questions

3. According to Shweder, the anti-FGM opinions of most Americans

are based on

a. the health problems that FGM usually causes.

b. the fact that most African girls that undergo FGM are

coerced into it.

c. unreliable evidence and moral judgments.

d. both a and b

4. Schweder asserts that most African women who do not endorse FGM

argue that it

a. is based on gender bias against women.

b. is not permitted by their religion or cultural heritage.

c. results in health problems.

d. decreases sexual pleasure.

5. According to the Creel et al., the number of girls that have

undergone FGM worldwide is over

a. 2 million.

b. 80 million.

c. 130 million.

d. 200 million.

6. According to Creel et al., why are some governments afraid to

enact strong anti-FGM legislation?

a. They fear that the practice of FGM will go underground and

make anti-FGM laws difficult to enforce.

b. They do not want to discriminate against certain cultural

groups that practice FGM.

c. They believe that it is more important to encourage safe

health procedures when FGM is practiced.

d. FGM is an important cultural tradition for the majority of

Africans.

7. Since 1988 the World Health Organization's position on FGM has

shifted from

a. regarding it as primarily a health concern to seeing it as a

human rights concern as well.

b. regarding it as primarily a human rights concern to seeing

it as a health concern as well.

c. accepting it as an important cultural practice to condemning

it as a harmful practice.

d. condemning it as a harmful practice to accepting it as an

important cultural practice.

Essay Questions

8. What evidence does Shweder use to support the idea that FGM is

neither an example of discrimination against women or of

patriarchal domination?

9. Shweder likens the practice of FGM to that of male circumcision

in some cultures. Why hasn't there been international

mobilization against the cultural practice of male circumcision?

Support your answer.

10. What were the World Health Organization's recommendations to the

UN Commission for Human Rights on ending the practice of FGM?

What do you think Shweder's response to these recommendations

would be?

11. Should developed countries that receive immigrants from

countries where FGM is a legal, accepted cultural practice be

allowed to outlaw this practice? Why or why not?

12. What do think of the policy of offering safer female genital

cutting in a hospital setting? What are the arguments for and

against this approach?

Answers1.c 2.d 3.c 4.b 5.c 6.a 7.a