A watershed

May 12 2007 will go down as a watershed event in Karachi’s history. It was the day when the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, who was facing a presidential reference, was to attend the Golden Jubilee celebrations of the Supreme Court. The day will be remembered, however, for murders and mayhem and generalized violence that was witnessed on the roads, streets and lanes of the largest metropolis of Pakistan. About fifty people lost their lives, hundreds were injured, and property worth millions of rupees was destroyed.

The aftermath of the events of May 12 has been filled with recrimination and bitterness. There were mutually conflicting claims about responsibility and culpability, and attempts at initiating processes of legal and political accountability. This report does not presume to pre-empt or anticipate the outcomes of the processes of accountability that have been initiated in the courts and elsewhere. Its aim is more limited. It attempts to create a record based on newspaper reports, testimonies and accounts provided by eyewitnesses and affidavits relating to the events in Karachi on May 12. Much of the material used in this report is already in the public domain. In the politically charged atmosphere that prevailed in the city, “facts” became contested almost as soon as they were first reported.

This report does not start with a particular brief for or against any actor. As a starting position, it takes at face value what was said, observed and reported. It tries to corroborate various factual accounts through a method of triangulation wherever possible. Where there appear to be unresolved contradictions between various accounts of the same event, the conflicting accounts are reported. The report does, however, provide analysis of events, patterns of action, and the responses of various players present or active in the events of May 12. It is hoped that the factual reporting and the analysis provided here will be augmented, improved and corrected as more witnesses and stakeholders come forward and provide their inputs into the report.

1.Leading up to May 12

1.1Rising Political Tension

War of words:

The period leading up to May 12 saw rising political tensions. The Chief Justice’s (CJ) programme to visit Karachi received wide publicity from around May 5 onwards when he made the 26-hour long road journey in a mammoth procession from Islamabad to Lahore. The chain of events in Karachi began to unfold after the announcement of the CJ’s visit to Karachi on May 12th to address the Sindh High Court Bar Association in connection with the 50th anniversary of the Supreme Court. The chronology of events as it developed is as follows:

The MQM (Muttahida Qaumi Movement, a party that is part of the ruling coalition in Sindh and at the centre and is generally considered as the government in Karachi) held a press conference and demonstration at the Karachi Press Club on May 5th evening against what they claimed was the politicization of the CJ case[1]. In the press conference, MQM leader Shoaib Bokhari said: “This constitutional issue of the presidential reference has been converted into a political issue by the opposition parties and certain lawyers’ organisations which are trying to create a crisis-like situation in the country for their ulterior political motives,”

The same evening, three independent television news channels went off the air in Karachi, Hyderabad and Nawabshah, blocking the live coverage of the CJ’s caravan from Islamabad to Lahore. Officials of the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (Pemra) denied any instructions had been issued to stop the transmission of the channels. They said that these channels were not seen only in southern parts of Sindh, and if Pemra had issued any instructions, the transmission would have been blocked all over the country. There were accusations that a political party in the ruling coalition had forced cable operators to stop transmission of the channels. However, MQM denied having played any role in the blocking of the transmission[2].

On May 6th, the Sindh PPP (opposition party) General Secretary, Nafees Siddiqui, stated in a press conference that ARD (Alliance for Restoration of Democracy, formed by opposition parties) and civil society organizations would accord a historic welcome to the CJ. The Sindh ANP (opposition party having strong influence among Pakhtuns who have a large population in Karachi) President, Shahi Syed also announced that the people of Sindh would warmly welcome the CJ on his arrival on May 12 and that a central reception camp would be set up at Natha Khan Goth from where their rally would proceed towards the airport[3].

On May 8th, MQM founder Altaf Hussain addressed party workers from London and said: “… if conspiracies are hatched to end the present democratically elected Government then each and every worker of Muttahida Qaumi Movement … will stand firm and defend the democratic government.” He also announced the holding of an MQM rally on May 12th, the day the CJ was to arrive.

On May 9th, Sindh Home Secretary Brigadier Ghulam Mohammed Mohtaram wrote a letter to the Registrar of the Supreme Court requesting that the CJ postpone his visit to Karachi. The letter stated that the event, which otherwise would have been an event exclusively for the judiciary and the bar was drawing political interest; that all political parties, including those in the opposition and the government, were planning to hold rallies on that day; and that tension in the city was on the rise and law-enforcement and security agencies were unanimous in their assessment that there could be armed clashes and bloodshed. In response, the CJ’s chief counsel Aitzaz Ahsan reiterated that the CJ would attend the programme in Karachi as scheduled[4].

There followed a spate of statements by political leaders from all sides in the build-up to May 12. On May 9th, PML-N (opposition party) Secretary-General Iqbal Zafar Jhagra declared that the lawyers campaign was a national movement for the independence of the judiciary and rule of law and nobody can stop it. He urged the MQM to change its May 12 rally in order avoid any untoward situation. Later in the day, in an address to the Karachi Bar Association, Iqbal Jhagra warned the government that any obstacle in the way of the peaceful rally on the arrival of the Chief Justice would not be tolerated[5]. Some MQM ministers, such as Babar Ghauri, were recalled from vacations for the party rally.

On May 10th, several opposition legislators in the National Assembly charged that there had been aerial firing throughout the night in Karachi and, expressing apprehensions about a clash on May 12, called upon the MQM to call off their rally[6].

The MQM responded the next day. FarooqSattar, Deputy Convener of the MQM Rabita Committee, charged that the opposition rally on May 12 would be illegal and unconstitutional and accused the opposition of mischief[7]. He further said that the opposition had brought the CJ’s issue on to the streets and the MQM has only accepted the challenge and will show the world its strength[8]

The abject hostility of the MQM, one of the coalition partners in the Sindh government, to the CJ and the opposition had ominous overtones, as indicated by the choice of language. Even as the bloody day of May 12 was waning, Waseem Akhter, Advisor to the Sindh Chief Minister on Home Affairs accused the Chief Justice of taking tea at the airport while people were being killed[9]. And his chief, Altaf Husain – speaking from London – said: “Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry, the Sindh Home Secretary requested you to postpone your visit, but you didn’t listen. You stuck to your decision of coming here, and because of you, a number of people were killed. Are you satisfied now?”[10]

There were conciliatory statements too. MQM founder Altaf Hussain instructed his supporters to remain peaceful[11]. MQM Deputy Convenor Farooq Sattar said that there was no chance of a clash between the rival rallies. This was also echoed by PML-Q (the main party in the ruling coalition) President Chaudhry Shujaat[12]. On the other side, Bar association leaders announced that only lawyers should come to the High Court and that political party workers and the general public should maintain their distance from the lawyers’ contingent[13]. This appeared to be a concession to the MQM, whose main criticism of the lawyer’s movement was that it was being use by political parties for their own agendas. At the end of the day, however, it appears that conciliation failed to prevail.

From words to action:

By May 10th, the war of words had graduated to limited action on the ground. Several incidents – some of them apparently unrelated to the rival rallies -- were reported that indicated rising tensions in the city.

Early on May 10th, unidentified gunmen fired on the house of the Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA) President. Munir Malik and bullets narrowly missed his daughter[14]. The same day, the Karachi Building Control Authority (KBCA) sealed the private law office of Munir Malik, President of the Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA) on the grounds that there were violations of building law regulations. The Sindh High Court promptly ordered the premises unsealed.

The same day, two alleged terrorists were arrested from the Korangi area who said that they belonged to MQM Haqiqi and that their party had directed them to carry out terrorist actions on May 12.[15]. The “Pasban” organization called for a shutter down strike in parts of the city on May 11th to protest against power failures and street crime[16]. One person was killed in the Falaknaz Apartments area on Sharah-e-Faisal in a clash between those calling for a shutter down and those resisting it[17]. Malik Amir, a private security guard at a Western Union mobile shop on Shahra-e-Faisal was shot dead by 5 unidentified men when he refused to shut down the shop[18].

Police removed reception camps set up by opposition parties in connection with the rally of the Chief Justice in parts of the city. Capital City Police Officer Azhar Farooqui said that the reception camps were removed under an administrative order by the home department. However, the Chief Minister’s Adviser on Home Affairs Wasim Akhtar said the reception camps were removed irrespective of party affiliations[19].

On May 11th, there was also a drive-by shooting near Abbasi Market in the Model Colony area at three young men, who were setting up a reception camp. One of the men, Asghar Shah, died on the spot, while the other two – Shioz and Liaquat – were wounded. One report claimed that Ashgar Shah was a former activist of the Punjabi-Pakhtun Ittehad (PPI), another claimed that he was a worker of PML(N)[20].

The same day, at least 125 people – including members of the PPP, PML-N, MMA and other opposition parties – were arrested for the “public good”[21]. In the early hours of the morning, one lane of Shahrah-e-Quaideen, leading to the Quaid’s Mazar, was found to be dug up. Area residents and shopkeepers claimed that there was no sign till Friday midnight that there was to be any earthwork on the road. Mohammed Arif, KWSB Chief Engineer Zone B-II said that KWSB had no pending work scheduled on the road. Jamshed Town Administration spokesman also expressed ignorance as to who had ordered the digging and why it had been carried out[22].

The same day, armed cadres of a political party hijacked 19 buses belonging to the University of Karachi, NED University of Engineering and Government College of Technology across the city[23].

Due to mounting anxiety, market associations, traders, and transporters decided to close for business on May 12. And in a late night announcement, the Sindh government declared May 12th a public holiday[24]. Fearing violence, the Sindh Home Department declared emergency at the seven public-sector hospitals in the city[25]. Even the Sindh High Court, acting on a petition, ordered the federal and provincial governments to provide complete security to the CJ wherever he desires to go during his visit to Karachi on Saturday.[26]

1.2Official Security Plan

Given widespread explicit concerns in official, opposition as well as private circles that there might be violent clashes in Karachi between rival supporters of political parties on May 12, several types of official responses were discerned from press statements.

The Home Affairs Advisor articulated two distinct types of security threats that were expected on May 12. First, there was a possibility of a suicide bombing by a network of terrorists, which he said the government was trying to break. Second, he felt that there might be violence if charged supporters of the opposing rallies came face to face[27].

The letter from the Federal Interior Secretary, Syed Kamal Shah, to the Registrar of the Supreme Court cited three types of security threats: (a) clashes between rival rallies; (b) targeted attacks on key government and opposition leaders; (c) terrorist ambushes of rallies.[28] Reportedly, this letter did not refer to the threat of a suicide bomb attack.

A high-ranking group at the Governor’s House was monitoring the situation on a daily basis.[29] This group included the Governor, the Chief Minister, the provincial advisor on Home Affairs, and senior officials of law enforcement agencies.

Details of the security plan were not made public; however, press reports indicated some specific actions. These included the division of policing activities in the entire city into three zones, each headed by a DIG, the deployment of and patrolling by Rangers and police, and installations of CCTV cameras and aerial surveillance at various locations, including Sharah-e-Faisal. It was specified that Section 144 was not imposed[30].

Interestingly, one report as early as May 7th had recounted that the government had decided to fix cameras around the city courts for complete monitoring of the CJ during his arrival in the city on May 12 and, further, that a monitoring device with a range of 5-kilometre distance, which could also tape a voice, would also be fixed at the main gates of the city courts.

At a meeting on May 11, apparently at the Governor’s House, several “security” and “political” options were discussed for preventing confrontation between rival rallies of supporters of the CJ and the MQM respectively. The “security” options included offering a bulletproof vehicle, identifying potential points of conflict between the rival rallies, stationing Rangers and paramilitary forces at those points, and placing security forces in a state of high alert[31]. The “political” options included delaying the Chief Justice’s flight, requesting the CJ to return due to the tense situation, offering to fly him to the city centre in a helicopter, and allowing his supporters to take him in a rally after the end of the MQM rally[32]. Interestingly, all of the various options reported in the press take it for granted that the MQM would not be asked to make any changes to its plans.

1.2.1Commandeering of Vehicles and setting Roadblocks

The most conspicuous “security” preparation for May 12 was the commandeering of vehicles and the setting up of roadblocks in various parts of the city from the evening of May 11 onwards. Commandeered vehicles included container trucks and trailers, trucks, water-tankers, Suzuki pick-ups, coaches, buses, mini-buses, and rickshaws. The commandeered vehicles were placed strategically to block roads, streets and lanes and their tyres were deflated to prevent them form being moved.

As referred to earlier, between 7:00-7:30 am of May 11th, 19 buses belonging to the University of Karachi, NED University and Government College of Technology were hijacked by armed MQM cadres from Gulshan-e-Iqbal, Jamshed Quarters, Karimabad, Korangi Road, Malir Jinnah Square, National Highway, Nazimabad Board Office, Nazimabad Petrol Pump, New Karachi, North Nazimabad, Numaish Chowrangi, Shahrah-e-Faisal, and University Road. The drivers were also taken away along with the buses[33].

Armed MQM workers also commandeered a large number of private vehicles from transporters and other tradesmen. In most cases, owners or drivers of the vehicles were instructed to remain with their vehicles. This was done in an organized way with “military” precision. MQM unit offices collected the vehicles, along with their documents, and parked the vehicles at designated collection points.