PFAW Proposal Election Verification Exit PollPage 1Freeman, Warren, Singer
The Need for Independent US Exit Polls
Steven F. Freeman, U. of Pennsylvania
Ken Warren, St. LouisUniversity
Stephanie Frank Singer, Campaign Scientific
July 4, 2006
Exit polls are widely acknowledged to be one of the most important elements in helping to ensure an honest election. But this is true only if the poll is conducted with appropriate methodological rigor, if the processes are transparent, and if the data made available. Sadly, this is not the case for the media-sponsored exit polls; and it will be even less so in the future. Hence, the importance of an independent exit poll.
1. About Exit Polls
When properly conducted, exit polls should predict election results with a high degree of reliability. Unlike telephone opinion polls that ask people which candidate they intend to vote for several days before the election, exit polls are surveys of voters conducted after they have cast their votes at their polling places. In other words, rather than a prediction of a hypothetical future action, they constitute a record of an action that was just completed. Around the world, exit polls have been used to verify the integrity of elections. The United States has funded exit polls in Eastern Europe to detect fraud. Discrepancies between exit polls and the official vote count have been used to successfully overturn election results in Ukraine, Serbia, and Georgia.
Exit polls can remove most sources of polling error. Unlike telephone polls, an exit poll will not be skewed by the fact that some groups of people tend not to be home in the evening or don’t own a landline telephone. Exit polls are not confounded by speculation about who will actually show up to vote, or by voters who decide to change their mind in the final moments. Rather, they identify the entire voting population in representative precincts and survey respondents immediately upon leaving the polling place about their votes. Moreover, exit polls can obtain very large samples in a cost-effective manner, thus providing even greater degrees of reliability.
The difference between conducting a pre-election telephone poll and conducting an Election Day exit poll is like the difference between predicting snowfall in a region several days in advance of a snowstorm and estimating the region’s overall snowfall based on observed measures taken at representative sites. In the first case, you’re forced to predict future performance on present indicators, to rely on ambiguous historical data, and to make many assumptions about what may happen. In the latter, you simply need to choose your representative sites well. So long as your methodology is good and you read your measures correctly, your results will be highly accurate.
1.1 How Exit Polls Work
There are two basic stages of an exit poll. The exit pollster begins by choosing precincts that serve the purpose of the poll. For example, if a pollster wants to cost effectively project a winner, he or she may select “barometer” precincts which have effectively predicted past election winners. If a pollster wants to understand demographic variation in the vote, precincts can be chosen to collectively mirror the ethnic and political diversity of the entire state. Verification of election integrity entails a different precinct sampling procedure depending on the system’s vulnerabilities.
The second stage involves the surveys within precincts. On Election Day, one or two interviewers report to each sampled precinct. From the time the polls open in the morning until shortly before the polls close at night, the interviewers select exiting voters at spaced intervals (for example, every third or fifth voter). Voters are either asked a series of questions in face-to-face interviews, or, more commonly, given a confidential written questionnaire to complete. When a voter refuses to participate, the interviewer records the voter’s gender, race, and approximate age. These data allow the exit pollsters to do statistical corrections for any bias in gender, race, and age that might result from refusals to participate. For example, if more men refuse to participate than women, each man’s response will be given proportionally more weight.
Voting preferences of absentee and early voters can be accounted for with telephone polls.
1.2. A Brief History of Exit Polling in US Elections
Exit polls were first developed in the 1960s, born of a competition among the networks to rapidly project election results and advances in computer technology that enabled the analysis of large amounts of data.[1] The first exit polls were conducted independently by NBC and CBS in the June 1964 California Republican primary.
From the outset, the polls performed well. Until the 2000 election, the only significant controversy about exit polls occurred in 1980, when exit polls allowed NBC to project a victory for Ronald Reagan three hours before the close of voting on the West Coast. Critics blasted the polls and NBC for calling the election before everyone had voted. In 1984 this was repeated with all three networks declaring victory for Reagan over Walter Mondale hours before the polls closed in the West. During a subsequent House Subcommittee hearing, executives from the three networks agreed not to project races until everyone had voted.
No one, however, debated the accuracy of exit polls. Scholars and practitioners, supporters and critics all agreed. In 1987, Washington Post columnist David Broder wrote that exit polls “are the most useful analytic tool developed in my working life.”[2] And according to Albert H. Cantril, a leading authority on public opinion research, “As useful as pre-election polls may be for measuring the evolving disposition of the electorate, they are not nearly as powerful as exit polls in analyzing the message voters have sent by the ballots they cast.”[3] While political scientists George Edwards and Stephen Wayne put it this way: “The problems with exit polls lie in their accuracy (rather than [in their] inaccuracy). They give the press access to predict the outcome before the elections have been concluded.”[4]
That assessment was revised following the 2000, 2002 and 2004 elections. Since 1992, the media has joined forces to conduct a single exit poll, reportedly for economic reasons, and a single poll has been held since. The polls were conducted under the auspices of Voter News Service (VNS). In the 2000 Presidential election VNS and exit polls in general were tainted by two highly consequential failed calls in the state of Florida. The first call was for Gore, after VNS projected a victory, based on exit polls suggesting 7.3% Gore victory (an exit poll discrepancy in Florida that has never been investigated); the second proclaimed a Bush victory based on a computer error. In the 2002 elections, VNS suffered a computer meltdown. (These data have never been made available).
That led to the demise of VNS. The exit poll for the 2004 federal elections was conducted by a new creation, the National Election Pool (NEP), likewise a consortium of six news organizations (ABC, AP, CBS, CNN, Fox, and NBC) that pooled resources to conduct a thorough survey of each state and the nation. NEP, in turn, contracted two respected firms, Joe Lenski’s Edison Media Research and Warren Mitofsky’s Mitofsky International, to conduct the polls.
1.3. Using Exit Polls to Ensure Election Integrity
Despite the 2002 meltdown and attribution of error in the 2000 and 2004 US exit polls, there is a worldwide consensus that a highly transparent exit poll is one of the best means available to ensure an honest election.
When Mexico sought legitimacy as a modernizing democracy in 1994, Carlos Salinas instituted reforms designed to ensure fair elections. A central feature of those reforms was exit polls.[5] In the 2000 election, the Televisa television network, partly in an attempt to ensure against vote fraud, hired Mitofsky to conduct Mexico’s exit polls.[6] Perhaps not coincidentally, this was the first time in the Mexican Institutional Revolutionary Party’s (PRI) seventy-two-year history that it lost an election.[7]
In established democracies, exit polls play a central role both in ensuring election integrity and in quickly projecting results. In Germany, the entire process is totally transparent. The minute the polls close, television stations publish exit-poll projections conducted by independent firms. The exit-poll results provide independent data that can be compared to the official tallies. They also provide the nation with an immediate projection of the winner and mitigate the need for a rapid count. (Like most democracies, Germany, despite its technological prowess, votes by hand-marked ballots, counted in full public view by volunteer representatives of the political parties.) This highly transparent system provides good evidence of just how reliable exit polls are. In three recent years for which data are available, exit polls for both the German national elections and the German elections for the European parliament have averaged results within 0.44 percentage points of the official results. (Freeman & Bleifuss 2006: Appendix A.)
Such accuracy is not unique to Germany. In the May 2005 British national election, a first-time exit-poll initiative was right on the mark. The poll predicted Labour would have a 37% share of the vote, against the Tories with 33% and Liberal Democrats with 22%. The official count was Labour 35.3%, Tories 32.4%, and Liberal Democrats 22%.[8]
The United States and international agencies have funded exit polls throughout the former Soviet Union and elsewhere in Eastern Europe as a way to ensure clean elections. When exit polls in March 2000 and again in March 2004 closely matched the official count in Russia, the international community and Russians themselves were reassured that, whatever their feelings for Putin, the electoral system worked; he had gone before the people to approve of his presidency, and they had ratified it.
Discrepancies between exit polls and the official vote count have been used to successfully overturn election results in Serbia, the former Soviet Republic of Georgia, and most recently in Ukraine. In 2003, George Soros’s Open Society Georgia Foundation hired Global Strategy Group to conduct an exit poll for Georgia’s parliamentary election. The exit poll projected a victory for the main opposition party. When the sitting government announced that its own slate of candidates had won, supporters of the opposition stormed the parliament. With support from both the United States and Russia, they forced President Eduard A. Shevardnadze to resign.[9]
Using exit polls to help expose fraud is so generally accepted that the Bush administration helped pay for them during the 2004 elections in Ukraine. In Ukraine, exit polls in the November 22, 2004, runoff election indicated that Viktor Yushchenko would defeat the incumbent Viktor Yanukovych. Yet in the official count Yanukovych prevailed with a narrow victory.[10]Following international protests and a national uprising, a new election was called. In testimony before the House International Relations Committee, Senator Dick Lugar (R.-Ind.) called on the State Department to help ensure that the new election would be fair. “I urge the Department to provide the funds necessary, as quickly as possible, to assist the Ukrainian people in their goal of free and fair elections. Specifically funds will be used to support election observers, exit polling, parallel vote tabulations, training of election commissioners, and voter education programs.”[11]
In testimony before the same committee, Ambassador John Tefft, deputy assistant secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs, said the Bush administration helped fund exit polls because they could be used to expose fraud. “The United States government has worked consistently throughout 2004 to promote a free, fair campaign and election in Ukraine,” he said. “We have tried to ‘raise the bar’ for fraud by focusing our assistance in ways that would help to expose large-scale fraud (such as parallel vote counts and independent exit polls).”[12] And he pointed to the discrepancy between exit polls and the official vote count to argue that the November 22, 2004, Ukraine election was stolen. He said, “It is impossible to know what the real numbers were, but a large-scale (20,000 respondents), nation-wide anonymous exit poll conducted by a consortium of three highly respected research organizations (partially funded by the United States Government) projected Yushchenko the winner.” The results of the December 23, 2004, repeat election bore Tefft out, as a victorious Yushchenko, battling the effects of an assassination attempt by poisoning, was elected to office.
2. The Need for an Exit Poll to Verify US Election Integrity
2.1. Problems with US Elections
Few people are as familiar with running fair elections as former President Jimmy Carter, whose Carter Center has monitored more than fifty elections worldwide. In September 2004, Carter predicted that the upcoming U.S. election would be as contentious as the one in 2000, with Florida again at the center of the storm. He wrote that “basic international requirements for a fair election are missing in Florida,” the most significant of which are:
• A nonpartisan electoral commission or a trusted and nonpartisan official who will be responsible for organizing and conducting the electoral process before, during, and after the actual voting takes place. . . . Florida voting officials have proved to be highly partisan, brazenly violating a basic need for an unbiased and universally trusted authority to manage all elements of the electoral process.
• Uniformity in voting procedures, so that all citizens, regardless of their social or financial status, have equal assurance that their votes are cast in the same way and will be tabulated with equal accuracy. Modern technology is already in use that makes electronic voting possible, with accurate and almost immediate tabulation and with paper ballot printouts so all voters can have confidence in the integrity of the process. There is no reason these proven techniques, used overseas and in some U.S. states, could not be used in Florida.
It was obvious that in 2000 these basic standards were not met in Florida. . . . It is unconscionable to perpetuate fraudulent or biased electoral practices in any nation. It is especially objectionable among us Americans, who have prided ourselves on setting a global example for pure democracy. With reforms unlikely at this late stage of the election, perhaps the only recourse will be to focus maximum public scrutiny on the suspicious process in Florida.”[13]
2.1.1. “Conventional” Election Fraud
The big story in 2004 was the swing state of Ohio, with its 20 electoral votes, where the presidential election is thought to have been decided. In Ohio, secretary of state Kenneth Blackwell, in the tradition of former Florida secretary of state Katherine Harris, served both as co-chair of the 2004 Bush-Cheney Campaign and the state’s chief election official. According to the official count, Bush won the state by 118,000 votes, or 2% of the total vote.
The Conyers report (2005) and a variety of books (Miller 2005; Freeman and Bleifuss 2006; Fitrakis, et al forthcoming), articles (Hitchens 2005; Kennedy 2006), and film documentaries (Fadiman 2006, Brooks 2006, O’Brien 2006) by authors and directors of varied backgrounds and political perspectives document an extraordinary variety of malfeasance around Ohio:
•A bloated victory margin for Bush in Warren County where a Secret Count was conducted due to “FBI terrorist alert,” an alert denied by the FBI.
•25% spoilage in black precincts of Republican Montgomery Co.
•Systematic vote switching in Cleveland: Ballots with candidate position “rotation” tabulated at wrong precincts, resulting in a big net loss of Democratic votes.
•Appalachian and southwestern Ohio precincts with turnout rates approaching 100% and far more votes cast than recorded voters.
•“Ghosts in the machines” of Youngstown and Miami Co.: Voters tried to vote for Kerry, yet Bush’s name came up or they cast a vote for Kerry, yet Bush’s name flashed briefly.[14]
•Clermont Co. optical-scan scam: Stickers were found covering up Kerry ovals, but no stickers were used at the polls on Election Day.
Moreover, Ohio was almost certainly not exceptional. The pollster who conducted the 2004 exit polls, Warren Mitofsky, has said that other states – he mentioned Kentucky and Louisiana – were worse. Others have claimed that New Mexico, Florida, and Nevada all would have fared almost as badly had investigations been made there. Rather, we know of Ohio malfeasance only because, due to the closeness of the official count, it was the only state where any investigation has occurred.
2.1.2. E-voting: An Invitation to Mass Scale Election Fraud
Worse yet are the problems we cannot detect. Incredibly, despite the overwhelming protestations of computer scientists and computing professionals in general, 30% of Americans voted on electronic voting machines that provide absolutely no confirmation that votes are counted as cast. If machines are recording votes inaccurately because of error or malfeasance we have no way of knowing. Few people looked closely at transgressions in the 2004 US Presidential election because Bush won by 3 million votes nationwide and almost 120,000 votes in Ohio[15], but computer scientist and election integrity activist Bruce O’Dell observed: