Signe Cecius Larsen PejstrupSwaziland in transition30th of June 2010
091184-1908 MSc in Development Studies and International relations Aalborg University
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Abstract
The motivation and idea behind this research is based on aninternship in the small Kingdom of Swaziland with the Danish labour union federation LO/FTF council and its affiliate in Swaziland called SFTU. The focus is on the structural and cognitive challenges the civil society activists meet in their struggle and on why it is difficult for civil society to form democracy in Swaziland. The motivation for this research came during the stay in Swaziland while collaborating with the activists, who fight for freedom and democracy on a grassroots level.
The research is based on a survey developed by the authorwhere 100 Swazis were surveyed and inquired about their situation, their relationship to civil society organisations, and to democracy. Furthermore, presentations from the meeting held in Copenhagen by two leading democracy activists comprise the second part of the first hand empirical data.
The challenges are analysed with the background in the empirical data but with a range of complementary theories within social sciences. Together they explain the complexity in the challenges from different approaches both focusing on the power of tradition and political modernisation.
The analysis is divided into four main sections: First, how effective and strong organisations are important tomobilisation for change. Second is an examination ofhow legitimacy of the King is important for the power structures. Third exploreshow change of mentality and democratic awareness is based on structures of social and individual identities. Fourth covers theelements of national identity, tradition, and cognitive structures have a strong position in social changes. The fifth part is a critical discussion regarding the two possible responses fromthe international community:the first being that they should not passively accept the repression of the Swazi people, yet on the other hand they should not to interfere in a sovereign state’s national affairs.
It is concluded that the challenges civil society meet are related to more than rational issues but rather a set of cognitive and structural factors relating tothe power of tradition and the dilemmas in political modernisation.
Table of contents
Abbreviations
1.Introduction
General introduction and motivation
Problem area and research question
Methodology
Philosophy of science – social constructivism
Method – triangulation
Methodical considerations
Clarification of concepts
Democracy
Civil society
Brief presentation of theories
Literature review
Thesis outline
2.Background of the country
Population and poverty
Political history
Civil society
Political movements
Unions
NGO's
3.Theoretical framework
Social movements
Legitimacy
Identity, culture, and narrative perspectives
Social identity and self-categorisation processes
The invention of tradition
Sum up on theories
4.Empirical data
Survey amongst informal workers
Compiling the data and presenting the significant results
Personal and associational facts
Future plans and advice for mobilisation
SFTU and Democracy in Swaziland
Public meeting civil society actors
Introduction to the situation
International involvement
Bad governance and lack of openness
Hope for international pressure
Questions from the hearers
Sum up on empirical data
5.Analysis of the challenges
The issue of a strong social movements
The issues of the Kings legitimacy
Social identity and self-categorisation
National identity
Democratic identity
Invented traditions
The iNcwala ceremony
Discursive battle
Sum up on the analysis of national identity
Discussion on international pressure and modernisation
6.Conclusion
Bibliography
Signe Cecius Larsen PejstrupSwaziland in transition30th of June 2010
091184-1908 MSc in Development Studies and International relations Aalborg University
______
Abbreviations
ACTSAAction for Southern Africa
CANGOCoordinating Assembly of Non-Governmental Organisations
CIEAS Coalition of informal economy associations in Swaziland
EUEuropean Union
FrelimoFrente de Libertação de Moçambique
FSEJFoundation for Socio-Economic Justice
GDPGross National Product
HDIHuman Development Index
ILOInternational Labour Organisation
INMImbokodvo National Movement
ITUCInternational Trade Union Federation
LO/FTF CouncilLandsorganisationen/Funktionærernes og Tjenestemændenes Fagforbunds Ulandssekretariat
MDCMovement for Democratic Change
NNLCNgwane National Liberatory Congress
OVCOrphans and Vulnerable Children
PODEMOPeople’s United Democratic Movement
SADCSouthern Africa Development Community
SFLSwaziland Federation of Labour
SFTUSwaziland Federation of Trade Union
SSSive Siyinqaba
SSNSwaziland Solidarity Network
SUDFSwaziland United Democratic Front
SWAYOCOSwaziland Youth Congress
UMBANESwaziland People's Liberation Army
UNUnited Nations Development Programme
UNDPUnited Nations Development
USAIDUnited States Agency for International Development
Signe Cecius Larsen PejstrupSwaziland in transition30th of June 2010
091184-1908 MSc in Development Studies and International relations Aalborg University
______
1.Introduction
General introduction and motivation
Swaziland is a country with a strong collective national mind battling for the right to form the national mind and political system at the same time. Generally speaking, the cultural and political battle in Swaziland is divided into two parts; a conservative status quo that supports the current monarchy, versusa civil society that supports a change towards multiparty democracy. This clash between tradition and modernity are exemplified by the dual presence of old- fashioned Swazi culture and western influence, for example; rural homesteads of stray huts next to shopping malls, or loincloth and axes versus suits. But when one gets under the skin of the Swazis you find that few belong solely to one part of this dichotomy, as even the most modern Swazi is strongly connected to his homestead and traditions, and is not motivated to simple copy the lifestyle from somewhere else. Indeed the most conservative nationalist wishes for influence and progress in his life. The fears and clashes are implied in the structures of identity that regard a strong desire and need for the safety, a sense of belonging together with pride in letting the traditions guide thecountry. Another side of the Swazi mentality shows an eagerness for freedom and civic rights, and a hope for possibilities in developing a prosperous life for the children.
My interest in delving into these clashes is based on my internship in Swaziland in 2009 with the Danish labour movement federation LO/FTF Council which supports unions and democracy projects in developing countries. In Swaziland I became close to strong and charismatic personalities involved in the battle for rights and democracy – people who did not want to sacrifice their cultural pride and traditions to follow western practices. On the contrary, the unions and other civil society groups fought for the possibility to form Swaziland into a nation of strong democratic minds embedded in a strong cultural setting. The nation is a melting pot of minds, cultures and hopes – although still all in the same small pot of a strong national collective Swazi-mind.
My background for studying civil society in Swaziland is mainly based on my connections to the activists I met in labour movements. I sought to understand the challenges workers of all kinds meet in Southern Africa, mainly Mozambique and Swaziland. For over two months, Icollaboratedwith the Swaziland labour union federation SFTU and its affiliate CIEAS, an informal workers association, to understand their struggle for workers’ rights, basic human needs and for political freedom and democracy. To understand the challenges of the unionisation of the informal workers, I surveyed 100 informal workers. The results of this research will be presented in the empirical presentation chapter alongside with a presentation from a public meeting I attended in Copenhagen where two leading civil society actors from Swaziland discussed the possibilities ofdismantling the monarchical system.
During my time in Swaziland and fieldtrips around the country, I realised that there is an active civil society and a will to evolve and collaborate. The underlying conditions for activism are not good, due to the strong, almost dictatorial monarchy, andwidespread poverty. People who had no idea of the western liberal perception of democracy actually executed democracy in associations where they were supporting each other. Although our western perceptions should not decide how the country should be governed, it seems as though the functioning of the monarchy is a challenge against initiatives from the people. I was eager to understand the practical and cognitive challenges they faced in their struggle for freedom.
Problem area and research question
As already introduced, the centre of research is the challenges for civil society to change the political structure towards multiparty democracy in a politically hostile society, split between fixed traditional mindsets andthose aspiring for some dispensation of democracy. The civil society actors and the people on the grassroots level in Swaziland are in focus as it is their lives that are affected. What is interesting and what puzzles me, is how these political and cultural conflicts can be overcome for the civil society groups to succeed in their struggle for freedom and for a type of democracy that fits Swaziland.
The research question is:
What challenges impede civil society in theprocess of democratisationin Swaziland? And how cancivil society contribute to this process?
The main focus of the research is not to find a clear solution for Swaziland, but rather to illuminate the diversity of challengesthey face as they aspire to become agents of democratic change. The obvious obstacles such as police violence, legislation, and bad governance are tangible and maybe possible to change with support from the international community, with actionsdirected against the monarchy and the government, which would indicate a top-down approach. But there are several underlying layers of the challenges that cannot be overcome immediately using a top-down process, but rather need to be handled from the bottom-up via empowerment projects, debates, and inclusions in the rural areas via civil society. The democratic quest can only be won by a combination of external pressure on the King and with sensitive empowerment of the population that are responsive to cognitive identity perspectives.
The research is aimed not to be normative, however it cannot be assumed to be completely objective either. My involvement with the activists and the local community, as well as my personal background has coloured my view. The philosophy of science and the methods are presented in the subsequent section to describe under what conditions and with what approach the research has been done.
Methodology
The following part will present the different aspects of the methodology of this project. First, the philosophy of science will be presented. Second, I will explain how triangulation will serve as a method of this research. Finally, the method for handling of empirical data will briefly, but critically reviewed.
Philosophy of science – social constructivism
The following part will describe the philosophy of science for this thesis, which is: social constructivism. The concept thick description by Clifford Geertz can explain the way some actions and concepts are understood when they are put in use between people. The philosophy of science is relevant to present, as the research and analysis is a systematic reflection of actions and expressions on the society, on culture, and on social change, that are not straight forward concepts.
The philosophy of science is the underlying structure of the whole research, and thus influences theselection of theories, method, research objectives, and how the results and truth are defined. The research focuses on cultural and social identities, social structures, and cultural and ideological mindsets and therefore, perspectivism is a necessary part of the ontology. Furthermore, an acceptance of epistemological relativism and social constructivism is fundamental for correctly understanding the results from the research. Because of the complexity in analysing culture and social structures, the project will work in the framework of social constructivism as the philosophy of science in answering the research question. The research object, the effect of the social movements on the society, is dependent on the context related to time, place, and the observer, as truth is not objective. Although some truths exist, researchers within this field have to acknowledge that the truth that the King and his supporters experience is different from the reality of the progressives on the ground, or from my own as an observer. Ontologically, the approach is based on the perception that social phenomena are created and viewed through human understandings and attitudes.
Phenomenology functions as a subcategory of the constructivist school. It belongs to the philosophic school of existentialism, but here it is used to explain structures within social science. The reason for choosing this branch is its ability to explain certain aspects in social and cultural settings. Phenomenology describes the systematic reflection on and analysis of the structures of consciousness. It describes the attempt to make subjective topics tangible(Gadamer, Weinsheimer & Marshall 2004).
Clifford Geertz has, on the basis of Gilbert Ryle, formulated the concept ‘thick description’. It explains that objectivity is not possible (or desirable) when observing and understanding actions or phenomenon. He uses a simple example from Ryle; a wink is just a movement, but because of our cultural knowledge and norms we assume it is a certain gesture. The thin description is then the bare movement, and the thick description is the meaning that is derived from the action. In analysing cultural and socials issues in foreign environments that diverge from our own the assumptions,the perceptions might deviate from the actual meaning more than observations in common environments would have. Our embedded mindsets influence both the observational data collection and the theories and not the least the analysis itself. The observer or researcher will not avoid interpretations of the observational act; on the contrary one will understand it within the premises of his/hers set of norms. Geertz explains it clearly: “...[D]ata collection – is a multiplicity of complex conceptual structures, many of them superimposed upon or knotted into one another...” (Geertz 1993, p.10).
Thus, I will not avoid, but rather accept and embrace my own conceptual structures as a point of departure. The data collection is directly from the source, but it is still somehow a product of my interpretation based in my background. This can also be explained in Max Weber’s theory on value-laden research in which he acknowledges that no observation or research is made without prejudice and bias(Weber, Gerth & Mills 1991). Multiple types of empirical data, theories, and analysis methods are included to avoid one-sidedness and to acknowledge most possible viewpoints and approaches.
Method – triangulation
The method of sampling and using the empirical data is multifaceted, as it has been collected through both a qualitative and quantitative survey amongst workers in Swaziland as well as information and views from civil society actors obtained through a meeting. Using a variety of theories for analysis, allows for deeper understanding of some of the challenges of the democracy movements.
The method is therefore triangulation on several levels, as the data, the research method, and the choice of theories are reflections of different approaches. This combination of different methods substantiates the broadest research prospective and helps the understanding and analyse of the different layers and views of the democratisation of the country. The first-hand empirical data contains of two parts: First, a partly quantitative and qualitative survey amongst 100 informal workers collected by myself, and second, a qualitative knowledge sharing meeting with two leading civil society actors from Swaziland. This provides empirical data for a basis of two-part analysis of the views on the cultural and socio-political changes both among the masses, and the elite of the movements. The empirical data is thereby both different in their focus and in their method.
The terminology of Norman Denzin is valuable for understanding the different elements of the triangulating method in this report. Denzin divides triangulation into four types;
1. Data triangulation, which entails gathering data through several sampling strategies, so that slices of data at different times and social situations (space), as well as on a variety of people, are gathered. Moreover, it is gathered in different levels: aggregate, interactions, and collectively.
2. Investigator triangulation, which refers to the use of more than one researcher in the field to gather and interpret data.
3. Theoretical triangulation, which refers to the use of more than one theoretical position in interpreting the same set of data.
4. Methodological triangulation, which refers to the use of more than one research strategies to maximize the validity of field efforts(Denzin 1970)
In the case of this research variation 1, 3, and 4 are all types of triangulation that are to a certain extent aimed for; the data sources are from different types of people in somewhat different environment and space[1]and moreover, several theories are used to understand the research question in combination with the empirical data. The investigator triangulation does not apply, as I stand as the single researcher, although I also relyon other researcher’s work. The method for both collecting data and for analysing it is varied as well. The reason for choosing such a broad spectra of methods is to have an even safer ground for my statements.
Methodical considerations
The philosophy of science indicates that it is acknowledged that truth is multifarious and information gained from data varies according to its use. In spite of this acceptance, a goal for sound research needs to have clarity in its origin, presentation and use. Following, we look into the circumstances for gathering data.
The survey was undertaken under conditions where every respondent did not have exactly the same possibilities in answering; some answered alone, some debated it in groups, and some got to read and write the answers from the either CIEAS executive or myself, as several respondents were illiterate. I formulated the questionnaires in English, but they were also translated into siSwati[2], and the results were translated back from siSwati. siSwati is a language that is not similar to English so the exact meaning in some wordings might have changed slightly. Furthermore, some hand-writing was harder to read than others and other minor issues may be criticised for lack in accuracy. All in all, it is with humility I present this research, although with a firm persuasion that the results I gained are highly beneficial and fair towards the respondents who spent their valuable time supporting the survey.