All Presenters Are Required to Submit a 2-Pages-Long Paper That Includes Purpose, Method

All Presenters Are Required to Submit a 2-Pages-Long Paper That Includes Purpose, Method

All presenters are required to submit a 2-pages-long paper that includes purpose, method, result, and discussion of their to-be-presented research. The submitted paper will be reviewed by the SP50 committee to see if it meets the standard for scientific presentation.

Please refer to the “sample paper” page, which is on the 2nd and 3rd pages of this file, for a detailed understanding of its documentary formatting. These two pages can be used as a guide for the documentary format, by writing contents over it.

Please read the following instructions below carefully in completing your paper. Then please send the completed paper to <>, no later than June 16, 2009.

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- References.

References are to be listed at the very end of the paper.

sample paper Culture, trust, social networks

Culture, trust, and social networks

○Tasuku Igarashi (JSPS Superlative Postdoctoral Research FellowOsaka University)

Yoshihisa Kashima(The University of Melbourne, Australia)

Emiko S. Kashima(La Trobe University, Australia)

Tomas Farsides(Sussex University, UK) Uichol Kim(Inha University,Korea)

Fritz Strack, Lioba Werth (University of Würzburg, Germany) Masaki Yuki(HokkaidoUniversity)

Key words: social networks, trust, relationism, cross-cultural research

sample paper Culture, trust, social networks

Purpose

The present study examined generalized trust (a general belief in human benevolence; Yamagishi, 1998) and relationism (or relational self; emotional connectedness of oneself with others; Brewer & Gardner, 1996) in association with social network homogeneity and closure across five cultures.

Though the role of trust in group processes has been well established, less is known about the role of trust in social network processes. Given that attitude similarity is an influence on attraction (Byrne, 1970), people with high generalized trust tend to be quicker in the perception of value similarity of others than those with low generalized trust (Siegrist, Earle, & Gutscher, 2003). People with high generalized trust may therefore form homogeneous networks especially with those who have similar attitudes. Meanwhile, generalized trust may be positively associated with network closure. According to balance theory (Heider, 1958), if a person with generalized trust forms friends with attitudinally similar others, these friends may become friends with each other. Conversely, closed networks tend to foster high trust (Coleman, 1988). Generalized trust and generalized resource exchange mutually and dynamically reinforce each other (Yamagishi & Cook, 1993).

Likewise, relational people (i.e., those with high relationism) may seek others to obtain secure and stable relationships, and consequently have homogenous networks. On the other hand, relationism may not be linked with network closure, since relational connectedness is based on dyadic relationships (Brewer & Chen, 2007).

Cross-cultural differences in trust and social network processes should also be elaborated. Compared to Americans, Japanese have low generalized trust (Yamagishi & Yamagishi, 1994), low relationism (Kashima et al., 1995), and evaluate their friends as less similar (Schug et al, 2006). Nonetheless, there may be some differences between East Asian and Western- European based cultures, as well as more subtle cultural and societal differences within East Asia and within the West (Oyserman et al., 2002). We therefore sought to investigate the questions posed above across five cultures.

Method

Participants. Participants were 572 university students, including 136 Australians (AU; 41 males and 95 females), 70 British (UK; 14 M and 56 F), 110 Germans (GE; 25 M and 85 F), 92 Japanese (JP; 48 M and 44 F), and 115 Koreans (KR; 46 M and 69 F).

Measures. Participants were asked to list up to eight of their friends, and then answer whether these people were friends to each other. This network was an egocentric network in which all network members were directly connected with participants (egos). Participants were also asked to rate the extent to which they perceived themselves to be similar with each of the friends, using a 5-point scale (1 'different' to 5 'similar'). Generalized trust (Yamagishi & Yamagishi, 1994) was measured by five items, and relationism (Kashima et al., 1995) was measured with seven items, each using a 5-point scale (1 'strongly disagree' to 5 'strongly agree').

Similarity of friendship ties. ‘Similar ties' consisted of the relationships with friends whose similarity to participants was rated 4 or 5. The number of similar ties served as a measure of network homogeneity.

Ego network betweenness. As an index of network closure, ego network betweenness was calculated based on Everett and Borgatti's (2005) procedure. The lower score indicates higher network closure.

Results and Discussion

Four meaningful cultural contrasts were set to investigate cross-cultural differences through the following analyses: (1) the West-East contrast: Western (AU, UK, GE) vs. Eastern (JP, KR) cultures; (2) the English-German contrast: English-speaking cultures (AU, UK) vs. Germany; (3) the Australia-UK contrast; and (4) the Japan-Korea contrast.

Generalized trust and relationism. Mean values are presented in Table 1. To examine gender and cultural differences in these variables, multiple regression analyses including gender and the four cultural contrasts were separately conducted on each of the variables. Germans showed a lower level of generalized trust than those in the English speaking countries (β=.10, p<.01), whereas Koreans had higher generalized trust than Japanese (β=-.45, p<.01). In terms of relationism, females were more relational than males (β=.40, p<.01), and Koreans were more relational than Japanese (β=.40, p<.01).

Network homogeneity and closure. Mean values are presented in Table 1. To identify the significant predictors of network homogeneity and closure, multiple regression analyses were conducted with the four cultural contrasts, generalized trust, relationism, and interaction effects between the four contrasts and the two trust variables (Table 2). In terms of the number of similar ties, Westerners had a greater number of similar ties than Easterners, and English-speakers had a greater number of similar ties than Germans. Also, the three-way interaction of generalized trust × relationism × English-German contrast was significant. The simple interaction of generalized trust × relationism was onlysignificant in the English-speakingcountries. The regression slope of the number of similar ties in

Table 1 Means of network and trust variables

Australia / UK / Germany / Japan / Korea
Generalized trust / 3.46 / 3.33 / 3.22 / 2.89 / 3.85
Relationism / 3.82 / 3.93 / 3.78 / 3.59 / 3.98
The number of
similar ties / 3.79 / 3.92 / 3.29 / 2.54 / 3.17
Ego network
betweenness / 11.46 / 12.62 / 16.93 / 15.06 / 14.89

Table 2 Predictors of network homogeneity/closure

The number of similar ties / Ego network betweenness
Cultural contrasts
East-West / .23** / -.07*
English-German / .11** / -.23**
Australia-UK / -.02 / -.04
Japan-Korea / -.03 / -.05
Individual dispositions
Generalized trust / .08† / -.09*
Relationism / .12** / -.01
Interaction effects
Relationism × East-West / -.08†
Generalized trust × Relationism / .10*
Generalized trust × Relationism × English-German / .12**
R2 / .12** / .09**

**p<.01, *p<.05, †p<.10.

standard deviation above the mean of centered generalized trust the English-speakingcountries was significantlypositive at one (β=.23, p<.01), but non-significant at one standard deviation below (β=.03, ns). In other words, in English-speaking countries, relationism increased homogeneity when generalized trust was high. In Germany, however, generalized trust was the only significant predictor of the number of similar ties. People in English-speaking countries may need to have attitudes conducive to making friends (generalized trust) and retaining them (relationism) to hold attitudinally homogeneous social networks, but this may not be universal among Western societies.

Meanwhile, relationism showed a marginally significant interaction with the East-West contrast, suggesting that in the East Asian countries, only relationism was a significant predictor of the number of similar ties. This may be interpreted in relation to Ba (Nakane, 1967) which is a kind of norms to form relationships in shared behavioral settings.

With regard to ego network betweenness, Westerners had more closed networks than Easterners, but Germans had more open networks than English-speakers. Generalized trust significantly decreased ego network betweenness. Thus, participants with high generalized trust have more closed networks across the five cultures. No significant interaction effect was found.

In conclusion, there is significant cultural consistency and variability in the role of trust on social network processes within Eastern and Western cultures, especially between Japan and Korea, and between English-speaking countries and Germany. A more differentiated understanding of Eastern and Western cultures may need to be sought.

Reference

1)Brewer, M. B., & Gardner, W. L. (1996). Who is this "we"? Levels ofcollective identity and self representations. Journal of Personalityand Social Psychology, 71, 83-93.

2)Kashima, Y., Yamaguchi, S., Kim, U., Choi, S.-C., Gelfand, M. J., &Yuki, M. (1995). Culture, Gender, and Self: A Perspective FromIndividualism-Collectivism Research. Journal of Personality and SocialPsychology, 69, 925-937.

3)Yamagishi, T., & Yamagishi, M. (1994). Trust and commitment in theUnited States and Japan. Motivation and Emotion, 18, 129-166.