The Nature of Reconstruction and Reconciliation Programs in Rwanda: the Place of Women

The Nature of Reconstruction and Reconciliation Programs in Rwanda: The Place of Women

Theodora O. Ayot

INTRODUCTION

The central argument espoused in this work is that the ultimate objective of reconstruction and reconciliation programs in a post-conflict civil society is to bring people together. Therefore the involvement of NGOs, Humanitarian assistance programs, and other international donor agents in collaboration with the national government must, out of necessity, enhance a “process of rebuilding social relations, bring people together, breaking down the barriers and prejudice” which often play such a huge role in generating political, economic and social conflict in a society (Graeme Simpson 1997:3). This work focuses on the post genocide Rwandan society. It posits that in matters of post-conflict reconciliation and reconstruction, women are the most vital organs in any civil society. This is because women are agents of restoration of broken relations and broken places, particularly in regard to the process of reconciliation, healing, feeding the entire population, caring for the sick and heartbroken, and soothing the rough edges of the landscape of human life in times of war, conflict and even in the refugee camps. Women are also agents of restoration of the broken places in the sense that they are the source of the production and reproduction of the much needed labor supply for the reconstruction of the civil society.

Therefore, this work interrogates the various reconstruction and reconciliation programs in an effort to assess the degree and the impact of their political, economics and social empowerment of women, and how women have translated and utilized this empowerment to mobilize and sensitize the grassroots as well as national levels as a means of combating the recidivist pressures that are likely to influence the recurrence of conflict. Specifically, the work considers the establishment of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission in 1999 as one of the most important programs which the new Government of Rwanda instituted in its attempt to deal with the challenging issues emanating from the rejection and violation of the humanistic moral code – thou shall not kill. It assesses the places of women in the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission to determine the impact of women’s efforts towards reconciliation and reconstruction in post conflict Rwanda.

Conclusively the paper puts forward the argument that the success of the various post conflict reconstruction and reconciliation programs require concerted efforts from all concerned including the grassroots and national levels. It further poses the following questions:

Are the modalities of the various programs designed by the Rwandans themselves, and if not, can internationalization of the programs with diversified groups of individuals involved effectively lead to reconciliation and reconstruction without polarization within the Rwandan civil society?
When issues of reconciliation, reconstruction and justice are internationalized, how does the state coordinate and balance such developments with the national political, economic, and social agendas contained in the national development plan for the transformation of the society, so that recidivist pressures that lead to conflict are avoided?
Is reconciliation between the perpetrators of the genocide and the victims possible and can justice and reconciliation be attained at the same time?
Finally, considering the importance of the Gacaca courts at the national state, can internationalization of justice ensure reconciliation and justice without conflict with the local system? These are some of the nagging and haunting questions that this paper aims to address.

The Impact ofConflict on the Rwandan Society

In her assessment of the devastating effects of conflicts in the human society, Simpson (1997:1) asserts, “ War, or intense and violent conflict, causes massive social dislocation, and taints or destroys social relations – from national, political relationships to very basic human interactions – whether through racism, violence against women, or destruction of families. It also destroys economic infrastructure.” She further identifies some of the basic assumptions that form the taproot of the international donor assistance for the purposes of reconstruction and reconciliation in post-conflict societies. The first assumption is that the provision of “economic reconstruction,” stable jobs, and income sources” would, indeed, eventually “help reconstruction process” (Simpson, 1997).

The second assumption is the notion that the post conflict country would benefit directly from external assistance with usually very little consideration for the actual role of the local people at the grassroots and national levels in the process of reconstruction and reconciliation. These assumptions, however, do not reveal the real picture of what is experienced by those affected by the conflict.

In the case of Rwanda, for instance, the U.S has been a leader in the country’s support in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide. The US has provided over $700 million to Rwanda in humanitarian development and economic assistance (usinfo.state.gov, 2004). Yet, despite this noble and generous funding including those from other sources, statistics tend to reveal that by 2002 Rwanda was rated at 162nd out of 173 poorest countries in the world. According to Zorbas (2004:37), this implies that, “In a small, land-locked, primarily rural country such as Rwanda, ranked 162nd out of 173 countries in the UNDP’s Human Development Index, government figures indicate that 60% of the population live on less than a dollar a day. Thus, poverty reduction is key part of the answer to this widowed Rwandan woman’s question: ‘How can I forgive, when my livelihood was destroyed and I cannot even pay for the schooling of my children.’” This woman’s reaction is indicative of the state of approximately 90 per cent of the population in Rwanda whose main source of livelihood depends on farming.

Moreover, Josh Rubenstein, the Executive Director of Amnesty International at Northeast US office in Summerville, laments the fact that “Ten years after the genocide Rwanda is pitiably poor, ranking 152 out of 162 nations on the United Nations Human Development Index” (The Boston Phoenix.Com, 2005:3). He goes on to explain that despite some visible improvements owing to the grants obtained from international donor agents, “90 per cent of people still survive on subsistence farming in Rwanda” (p.3). On the other hand, Desmond Tutu (2000:274) has also recognized and acknowledged the complex nature of the economic situation and the plight of the African people in South Africa when he states, “For unless houses replace the hovels and shacks in which most blacks live, unless blacks gain access to clean water, electricity, affordable health care, decent education, good jobs, and a safe environment – things which the majority of whites have taken for granted for so long – we can just as well kiss reconciliation goodbye.” If this kind of a situation still prevails in a democratic South Africa that brought an end to apartheid crime against humanity, one can only begin to grasp the complex nature of the reconstruction and reconciliation programs in Rwanda. For this reason, one has to concede that so long as the rural community is isolated and feels alienated then, it becomes very difficult to talk positively about reconstruction and reconciliation. And if there is a country that has needed the concerted efforts from the international and African communities as well as the “marshal plan” of the magnitude that transformed Japan and Europe after the Second World War, that country is Rwanda. If there a country that has needed moral, spiritual, economic, social and political uplifting that would transform the lives of its people, that country is Rwanda. But then the argument is that Rwanda is, after all, an African country.

In essence therefore, and from the above perspective, reconstruction and reconciliation programs must, out of necessity, address aggressively issues such as “economic development, equality, participation, tolerance, human rights and the rule of law” in order to bring some tangible transformation of the lives of those who have been affected by the conflict (Zorbas 2004:38; see also Peter Uvin 1998). The benefits of the aid offered by international donor agents, humanitarian assistance programs and NGOs for the reconstruction and reconciliation in a post conflict society often become controversial, especially when questions are asked about the categories of people who are in partnership with the various groups of international aid donors. In this connection and particularly in relation to the reconstruction and reconciliation programs in Rwanda, one has to recognize the fact that women are in reality engaged in reconstruction and reconciliation long before the conflict erupts, during the conflict and, therefore, most certainly important in the process after the conflict. It is therefore important to point out that in regards to the reconstruction and reconciliation programs, the interest of women must be considered paramount because of their resiliency in facing whatever challenges their lives.

In 1995 Desmond Tutu visited the village of Ntarama, just a few kilometers from Rwandan capital, Kigali. It is in this village where the Tutsi had been killed in a church. According to Tutu, “The new government had not removed the corpses, so that the church was like a mortuary, with bodies lying as they had fallen the year before during the massacre. The stench was overpowering. Outside the church building was a collection of skulls of some of those who had been brutally done to death-some of the skulls still had pangas (machetes) and daggers embedded in them. I tried to pray. Instead I broke down and wept” (Tutu 2000:258). But despite this heart rending experience for Desmond Tutu, he was so much humbled when he visited the NelsonMandelaPeaceVillage, a new settlement that had been built through the efforts of women themselves. The women at the village were all orphans, widows and refugees who had come together to try to forget their ethnic origins in an effort to live together in peace and build a new Rwanda, (Janice McDonald CNN NEWSROOM 2001:1). While visiting the village, Tutu spoke to the women leaders. What impressed him most was the strength of these women and he reports his encounter and observations:

They (women) said, ‘We must mourn and weep for the dead. But life must also go on, we can’t go on weeping.’ How wonderfully impressive, how indomitable. Over at Ntarama, we might say, there was Calvary, death and crucifixion. Here in the NelsonMandelaVillage was Resurrection, new life, new beginning, new hope. Once more it was noteworthy to see how women have this remarkable resilience and an instinct for nurturing life (p.258).

While articulating the overwhelming obstacles that face the whole process of reconstruction and reconciliation, Heather Hamilton (2000:1), explains:

The challenge of reconstruction of the physical and social structure of Rwanda seems like an overwhelming task to most observers. The country is economically ravaged and socially divided….. Huge refugee flows of millions of people and a continuing insurgency in the northwest have only increased the difficulty of the task of reconstruction. The international humanitarian community has been engaged in Rwanda, for better or for worse, from the first days after the end of the genocide. Academic and journalistic analyses of the conflict and reconstruction have been published and dissected, yet somehow in the midst of all the humanitarian assistance and debate, the women of Rwanda generally have been treated as just one of many demographic groups vying for attention.”

Addressing post-conflict Rwanda through the lenses of women provides us with the opportunity to appreciate their incredible sense of leadership that gives hope to their families and the people of Rwanda as doctors across their country’s landscape. In Rwanda, women who “watched helplessly as their husbands, fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers, friends and even children were cut down with machetes” have been able to “pick up the pieces of their broken lives” and their broken country and “ begin a process of rebuilding” (Jodi Enda 2003:1). Women have demonstrated an amazing strength and courage in the midst of the national tragedy and, it is that inner strength that enables them to survive even the most horrific conditions in which they find themselves. Jodi Enda has pointed out that some analysts have indicated that the “war-torn” Iraq and Afghanistan would be wise to follow Rwanda’s lead and make women full partners as they rebuild their war-torn civil societies (p.1).

Efforts at Reconstruction and Reconciliation in Post-Conflict Rwanda

In concerted efforts to restore peace in Rwanda, the government of National Unity was established and it came into existence as a result of the survivors’ desire to transcend the negative images that had led to the genocide. From the time of its inception in 1999 the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC) paid particular attention to issues pertaining to Rwandans, the civil society, efforts to bring the Rwandans of all walks of life together and the challenges posed by the prevailing poverty in the country. In order to ensure national cohesion, the government of national unity embarked on a number of strategies:

Ensuring democratic governance: actions to ensure democratic governance since 1994 have included the passing of the genocide law to challenge the impunity which characterized acts of violence in Rwanda for three decades before 1994; adherence to the Arusha Accords of 1993 to guide the composition of the government of national unity and national assembly.
Public service reforms to enhance transparency, efficiency and effectiveness in public service delivery.
Promoting peace, security and unity through reconciliation programs.
Creation of a community police force to enhance security at the local levels.
Promoting national dialogue on the country’s needs and aspirations through forums.
Initiation of the decentralized process facilitation the devolution of administrative responsibilities and supportive to local government units, and consolidation of the structure of local governments.
Provision of social and physical infrastructure in the local administrative units is substantially supported by direct contribution from local communities, a visible evidence of the popularity of representative local government.
Cooperation with the international agencies in monitoring human rights standards and reconstruction. Above all, in a remarkably short time, Rwanda has succeeded in rebuilding a functioning civil society; in particular, strong women’s associations, and a free press, and employers and workers associations (ACBF Board of Governors, The Hague 2004:42).

The same source goes on to explain that “In order to demonstrate its resolve for participatory democracy and inclusiveness, the RPF-led government supported the creation of a powerful parliament and a weakened presidency. Moreover, in its efforts to increase the representation of women, for example, the government split in 1999 the Ministry of Gender, Family and Social Affairs into the Ministry of Family and Social Affairs and the Ministry of Gender and the Promotion of Women. The latter Ministry was charged with the responsibility of developing projects to reform all laws discriminating against women, and of promoting women’s education and training.”

The National Unity and Reconciliation Commission undertook aggressive measures to organize meetings for the various groups of people in the country. Other measures included workshops and conferences whose major themes specifically addressed concerns for National Unity and Reconciliation. These attempts by the Rwandan government to deal with the post conflict crisis culminated into the organization of various national summits where Rwandans of all levels of society, including representatives from Rwanda’s Diaspora community, were present.

The NURC also organized workshops which targeted different segments of the population. The main objective was to give an opportunity for these individuals to undergo “civic re-education’ or ‘solidarity’ camp – the ingandos. Demobilized soldiers (from the national army as well as from the ex-FAR) Interahmwe and other groups that” had “been repatriated to Rwanda mostly from Eastern Congo provisionally released prisoners, and others” were “required to stay at an ingando from 6-to-8 weeks (Eugenia Zorbas 2004:38). These individuals were offered courses covering among other areas, “their socio-economic reintegration into the society” (Zorbas p. 38). This became a preparatory stage through which an individual could begin to make the journey back to the real world, to the new Rwandan civil society after the ravages of the war period. It also formed part of the most important initiatives by the Rwandan government in it attempt to rehabilitate and enhance the spirit of National Unity and Reconciliation among its citizens.

The National Unity and Reconciliation Commission and Gender Perspective

When the Rwandan government took a bold step towards the establishment of government of national unity, it recognized women as a formidable force within the Rwandan society. Women had been both the providers for the two sides of the conflict. They took care of the sick, the wounded, the elders, the youth and the children. Even those who went on a killing spree returned home to be fed by women as well as those in the refugee camps. Therefore, in an effort to increase the representation of women, for example, in 1999 the government split the Ministry of Gender, Family and Social Affairs into the Ministry of Family and Social Affairs and the Ministry of Gender and Promotion of Women. The latter Ministry was charged with the responsibility of developing projects that would see to it that all laws that discriminated against women were reformed. It was also given the responsibility of promoting the education and training of women. Thus, it is not surprising that today women in Rwanda constitute 48.8% of the members in the Lower House in the Rwandan parliament.