1

Defence & Security Series Author: John Karkazis Issue D3, July 2004

COLONIALISM IN ASIA.

THE BRITISH MILITARY INTERFERENCE IN PERSIA AND THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR

(extracts)

……………………..

CONTENTS

THE NEW WAVE OF COLONIALISM IN ASIA

THE PERSIAN FACTOR

THE OPENING OF JAPAN TO THE WEST

THE CHINESE FACTOR

THE OPEN DOOR DOCTRINE

THE ANGLO-JAPANESE ALLIANCE

THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR

As in the case of Africa the first to enter the race of colonialism in Asia were the Portuguese. Portuguese colonialism was supported mainly by the royal treasury and the colonial expeditions were planned by the government under the close supervision of the kings. In less than 25 years, from 1505 to 1523, the Portuguese established a dense network of trading posts and colonies in the Persian Gulf, in India (Goa), in Indochina (Malacca), in south China (Macau) and 20 years later in south Japan (Deshima). The rapid growth of the Portuguese Colonial System was due to the favorable synergy of many factors: the consolidation of peace and order in mainland Portugal, the innovative designs of Portuguese engineers in shipbuilding (faster and bigger ocean ships equipped with advanced weapons) and the advanced logistics (excellent maps for their time), the adventurous and daring spirit of the early colonialists, the extremely harsh ways with which they were treating resistance and the very able kings who were governing Portugal during that period. This colonial and trade network did not last for long. A series of unfavorable this time reasons led the colonial system of Portugal in Asia to a rapid collapse: incapable and megalomaniac kings who with their extra-vacant spending leveled the royal treasury, financial problems, problems with Spain and the technological advancements of competitive powers (Dutch and British).

The second to enter the colonial race in Asia were the Dutch who seized, during the first half of the 17th century, most of the colonial holdings of Portugal there (in Ceylon, India, Malaysia, Sumatra and Guinea). In contrast to the Portuguese, Dutch and British colonialism was company-driven. These specially chartered colonial companies came to rule large territories, exercising military power and assuming administrative functions, to the exclusion, gradually, of their commercial pursuits.

The third to come (in early 18th century) were the British who by early 19th century had been firmly established all over India, in Indochina and Indonesia. In 1819 the British established a colony in Singapore controlling in this way the strategic passage of Singapore Straits.

THE NEW WAVE OF COLONIALISM IN ASIA

In early 19th century all three empires of Asia (Ottoman, Persian and Chinese) were in decay.

In the middle of 19th century the great colonial powers of Europe, Japan and USA started a new and more intense colonial race in Asia and particularly in China which produced fierce tensions between them and led to a series of alliances and wars.

The British added vast territories of Southeast Asia in their colonial empire: MalayStates (1800-1824), Sumatra (1819), Burma (1852-1885) and British Borneo (1888). Britain expanded its Dominion of India northwards to Kashmir (1843) and westwards to Beluchistan (1883) to check the advance of the Russians from Central Asia. In 1899 Lord Curzon became the Viceroy of India and stayed in this post until 1905 working hard and mobilizing his high diplomatic skills in order to check the advance of the Russians towards the Indian Ocean. In 1907 the British extended their colonial rule to Southeast Persia in order to counter-balance the advance of imperial Russia into Northern Persia. Finally, Britain, in 1842, established its colonial rule over a number of important trading posts in China: Hong Kong, Sanghai and Canton.

There is a synergy of facts which lead rather safely to the conclusion that the advance of Russians in Afghanistan did not pose a strategic threat for Britain (at least during Curzon’s term in India):

  1. The supply lines for a Russian army operating in Afghanistan were enormous in length covering thousands of miles through the harsh and un-hospitable environment of Siberia and the Central Asian Steppe.
  2. Russia was confronted with serious internal disorder weakening the morale of its armed forces (the student riots in St. Petesburg in 1901 fiercely dispersed by Cossacks, the anti-semitic pogroms in 1903 etc).
  3. Russian navy was rather backward for the British standards and not a match for the British navy.
  4. The Russians during the above period were heavily pre-occupied with building their military and economic power in the MaritimeProvince and the Manchuria and making preparations for the forthcoming confrontation with the Japanese.
  5. The Russian regime wanted desperately some success in the Afghan front to distract public opinion from internal problems and to counter-balance, in the eyes of the Russian elites, the British expansionism in the area. The question of proceeding further south most probably was out of the minds of Russian diplomacy during this period.

As a consequence, it is rather safe to conclude that the direction given to Lord Curzon was to check the Russian advance strictly through diplomatic means. New York Times in 17 April 1885, commenting on the victorious for the Russians outcome of the Penjdeh battle in northeast Afghanistan in 1885 reported that the British and especially Premier Gladstone, briefing the House of Commons on this issue, reacted rather coolly to the news that the Russians had been firmly established in Pendjeh.

During the period 1884-1907 France established itself as colonial power in French Indochina. Also in 1896 France and Britain signed an agreement settling their disputes over Siam.

In 1898 USA established their colonial rule in Philippines and in Guam.

During the second half of 19th century Russia extended its rule from the eastern coast of Caspian Sea (1843) to Northeast Afghanistan (1885) threatening in this way the British interests in the Indian sub-continent (battle of Penjdah in which Russians defeated the Afghanis). During the same period Russia incorporated into its empire vast areas in Siberia extending from Ural Mountains to the Pacific Ocean. In 1858 Russia extended its rule north of Amur River (AmurProvince) and in 1868 took from China the territories south of Amur River (MaritimeProvince with Vladivostok as its capital). In 1912 Outer Mongolia was drawn in the Russian sphere of influence.

THE PERSIAN FACTOR

In mid 19th century Russia advanced into Northwest Persia conquering Tiflis and Baku and immediately afterwards advanced into Northeast Persia (east of Caspian Sea). At this point (1864) the British interfered to bolster the Persian government against the Russia. The British granted Persian government a loan taking the customs in Persian Gulf ports as a collateral. In 1900 a Russian flotilla, belonging to the 1st Squadron of the Pacific Fleet under the flagship gunboat Gilyak, appeared in the Persian Gulf to pay the first visit ever to the area. Next year the Russians sent to the Gulf another flotilla of the Pacific Fleet under a state-of-the-art flagship, the Varyag, a protected cruiser, to pay this time official visits to several ports of the Persian Gulf states. The British reacted cautiously sending to Persia for a visit the Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon, a very able and ruthless diplomat. In 1902 and 1903 the Russians upgraded their presence in the Persian Gulf by deploying there two cruisers of the Pacific Fleet, the Askold and the Boyarin. Local regimes welcome the deployment of these warships seeing Russia as a counter-force to British expansionism [8].

Following the expansionist policies of Russia and Britain in Persia, a Persian nationalist revolution broke out in 1905 leading to the establishment of the first parliament in Tehran, putting in danger the Russian and British interests there. The two powers solved this issue through diplomacy by dividing Persia, in 1907, into two zones of influence, the northern assigned to Russians and the southern going to the British. The British exploited the vast oil fields of southern Persia (under the extremely favorable for them trade and production agreements) in order to build a powerful navy.

The understanding developed by the two colonial competitors (Russia and Britain) in the case of Persia came as result of the Triple Entente between Britain, France and Russia, signed in 1904, which had its causal roots in the growing threat imposed on them by a new and dynamic player in the colonial affairs, the imperial Germany.

THE OPENING OF JAPAN TO THE WEST

The Portuguese and the Dutch had established trading posts in Japan since early 16th century. In 1853 the American Commodore Perry with a number of naval vessels of the East Indian Squadron forced his way into YedoBay demanding from the Japanese government, somewhat peremptorily [1], to negotiate commercial relations with USA and other Powers. The next year the Japanese complied and in 1867 an internal revolution took place leading to the rapid westernization of Japan. Forcing his way to Japan, Commodore Perry should have equipped himself with valuable information regarding the desire of the elite classes of Japan to earn money through trade and solve endemic financial problems, a fact making them potential allies of USA. The YedoBay incident marks the beginning of the heavy involvement of USA in the Far East affairs.

THE CHINESE FACTOR

The decaying China under the Manchu dynasty opened the imperialistic appetite of all European colonial powers. The beginning of this intervention coincides with the armed intervention of British and French, in mid 1850s, to protect their commercial interests related to opium exports to China from British India and French Indochina (the Opium Wars). On the other hand, as a result of the Aigun Treaty (1858) and the Beijing Treaty (1860) Russians took from China the area south of Amur River making it a province of their empire (the MaritimeProvince). At the same time the Russians started an intense naval built-up in the region establishing a strong and fearful fleet there, the Pacific Fleet, with naval headquarters in Vladivostok, the capital of Maritime Province. Around 1870s Japan started to force Korea out of the influence of the Manchu dynasty making efforts to place it under its own influence. A product of these expansionist ambitions was the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-95) which was won by the Japanese. Following this war Korea declared its independence from China and Japan rushed to recognize it. The Shimonoseki Treaty of 1895 settled the disputes of this war in favor of Japan, ceding to the Japanese the LiaodongPeninsula, a strategic out-post in southern Manchuria. Russia, France and Germany (the latter a newcomer in the Chinese colonial race with interests in the area opposite to LiaodongPeninsula) reacted against this treaty and demanded from the weak Chinese government to annul it. At that time there was a rather erroneous conception consensus among the above three Powers that Japan was lacking the means, the nerve and the decisiveness to defend its ambitions in China. The reaction of these Powers led to the Triple Intervention Treaty which was signed in 1895 and annulled the concessions of the previous treaty regarding Japan. Following the Triple Intervention Treaty the Russians extended their sphere of (economic) influence into northeast China (Manchuria) winning a concession (granted by the Chinese government) to construct the Chinese Eastern Railway (or Manchuria Railway) connecting Vladivostok with the city of Harbin in Manchuria. The concession was signed in 1896. Next year Russia concluded a 25-years lease of LiaodongPeninsula in southern Manchuria a fact which accelerated the construction of the Manchuria Railway. In 1897 the Russians sent a powerful fleet in the strategic out-posts of Port Arthur, in the LiaodongPeninsula, which forced the Chinese government to conclude during the next year a treaty with Russia under which Port Arthur was ceded to Russia. In 1900 Russia felt strong enough to annex Manchuria. The “selling” of Manchuria to the Russians was one of the main contributing factors to the Boxers Uprising. The Boxer Uprising was a nationalist uprising in China during the period 1898-1901 which opposed the western imperialism and in particular the European “spheres of influence” in China. The colonial powers of Europe and the USA sent a strong expeditionary force in China consisting of 54 warships, 50.000 soldiers and 5.000 marines which defeated the Boxers rebellion, took Beijing and imposed on China humiliating reparations. At that time the propaganda apparatus of western powers (mainly of Britain and France) was advanced enough to be engaged successfully in this war and distort its image in the West: mass killings committed by Boxers were termed “atrocities” whereas mass killings (in a smaller scale) committed by expeditionary forces and the humiliating colonial terms imposed on the Chinese people were termed as “lawful acts”. As a result of the above events China initiated a massive modernization plan.

The favorable attitude of France towards Russian ambitions in Manchuria was most probably motivated by its hectic efforts to draw Russia into an alliance with her in order to counter-balance the rising power and ambitions of imperial Germany in Europe.

In 1885 the Treaty of Tientsin between France and China ended the Sino-French War forcing China to recognize a French protectorate over Annam and Tonkin in Southeast China (Indochina).

In 1898 the Germans extorted a 99-years lease on KiochowBay (Northeast China) and exclusive rights in ShatungPeninsula opposite to Port Arthur.

To complete the colonial division of China, the British took control of the strategic YangtseValley and of a series of ports.

THE OPEN DOOR DOCTRINE [1]

In late 1890s, the US (already firmly established in the Far East: Philippines and Guam), fearing that the whole China would be divided by European colonial powers to spheres of influence, introduced the Open Door Doctrine (ODD) to protect its interests in China and elsewhere.

In particular, Secretary of State John Hay in 1899 sent notes to the colonial powers having interests in China (Russia, Japan, Britain, France and Germany) asking them to declare formally they would respect China’s territorial and administrative integrity and they would not interfere with the free use of the ports within their spheres of influence in China. With the exception of Japan, all other powers replied to Hey’s request by stating that they could not commit themselves until the other powers do. Despite this ambiguous reaction, Hay announced that European powers had granted their consent to his request and as a consequence ODD became an international policy.

Wood (1921) gave a review of the genesis of ODD. See also Appendix 1 for the articles of ODD.See G. Z. Wood, The Genesis of the Open Door Policy in China (1921); the United States had become an East Asian power through the acquisition of the Philippine Islands, and when the partition of China by the European powers and Japan seemed imminent, the U.S. government In the 1890s, the United States had become an East Asian power through the acquisition of the Philippine Islands, and when the partition of China by the European powers and Japan seemed imminent, the U.S. government strove to preserve equal industrial and commercial privileges. Secretary of State John Hay sent (1899) notes to the major powers (France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, and Russia), asking them to declare formally that they would uphold Chinese territorial and administrative integrity and would not interfere with the free use of the treaty ports within their spheres of influence in China. In replying, each nation evaded Hay's request, taking the position that it could not commit itself until the other nations had complied. However, in Mar., 1900, Hay announced that the powers had granted consent to his request. Only Japan challenged this declaration, and the Open Door became an international policy. After the Boxer Uprising , Hay dispatched (1900) a similar circular note. Development of the Policy
In the 1890s, the United States had become an East Asian power through the acquisition of the Philippine Islands, and when the partition of China by the European powers and Japan seemed imminent, the U.S. government strove to preserve equal industrial and commercial privileges. Secretary of State John Hay sent (1899) notes to the major powers (France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, and Russia), asking them to declare formally that they would uphold Chinese territorial and administrative integrity and would not interfere with the free use of the treaty ports within their spheres of influence in China. In replying, each nation evaded Hay's request, taking the position that it could not commit itself until the other nations had complied. However, in Mar., 1900, Hay announced that the powers had granted consent to his request. Only Japan challenged this declaration, and the Open Door became an international policy. After the Boxer Uprising , Hay dispatched (1900) a similar circular note.