Willamette University
Paradise or Parasite?
Segregation, Gay Tourism, and Neoliberal Sustainability in the Greater Palm Springs, CA Region
Jesse Sanchez
Advised by Assistant Professor of History Bianca Murillo
Fred Wert Sustainability Grant 2015
Introduction
Palm Springs is known for glamour. After years of empty storefronts and neglected modernist architecture, the city has begun a large-scale “revitalization” effort bringing in new business and building lavish condos to restore the now vibrant city center. With gay festivities such as the White Party and a colorful Pride andiconic events such as Coachella, Palm Springs and surrounding tourist cities have built an image of paradise drawing visitors from Los Angeles to Australia. Yet, there remains a hidden side to the desert paradise. Permanent residents who keep the tourist industry running continually suffer from a lack of affordable housing and the potential for imminent environmental catastrophe. Business and local government frame Palm Springs as the premiere queer tourist destination and a sustainable community. This has put the city in a positive light while masking the legacy of discrimination toward both people of color and queer communities. The term greenwashing encapsulates the use of marketable sustainability as a means of advertising for profit while not promoting a genuine long-term sustainability. Such erasure has hidden the links between environmental racism, claims of queer inclusion despite policing and hate crimes, and the tourist industry’s contributions to this exclusion.
Affordable Housing? The Case of Section 14
Since the destruction of Section 14 in the 1950s, a legacy of segregated housing has remained. A lack of public attention givento the dire state of housing affordability allowed the situation to stagnate despite numerous government reports of imminent crisis. While a number of building projects have come to fruition, the deficiency remains partly due to backlash from surrounding communities (country clubs andaffluent homeowners) near the sites of proposed projects. Throughout the past few decades, news reports primarily from local publication The Desert Sun reflect the continual conversation between the public and government regarding the growing need for affordable housing. Such as need has been met with an inability and often-outright refusal to keep pace with population growth.
Section 14 is a square-mile plot of land in the city center of Palm Springs. The square mile is known for its prime real estate value. This plot belongs to the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians as one of the even-numbered plots on the alternating grid of land distributed between the City of Palm Springs and the indigenous nationas determined by an 1876 federal decision.
A 1968 Report Office from the Attorney General Office claimed that Section 14 was the only viable residential area in Palm Springs for Black, Mexican-American, and low-income white residents due to de facto segregation ingrained by the lack of affordable housing in the city. The tourism and agricultural industries brought in laborers who were largely people of color. TheAgua Caliente developed a much-needed revenue source through non-discriminatory leases, though legal restrictions prevented development of their land (eventually lifted due to the activism of an all-women tribal council successfully lobbying for extended land leases). Agua Caliente Cultural Museum director, Michael Hammond, poses the possibility that officials worked to gain control of the land in order to prevent the indigenous nation from acquiring power (Hammond 2015). Municipal authorities raised concerns about the subpar living conditions on “the rez.” Authorities denied building permits until the section could set up utility access, but residents lacked the capital to do so. The city refused to assist residents of Section 14 because they did not pay property taxes. In 1948, the city enacted “abatement” procedures displacing 1,500 residents (Kray). Post-war affordable housing developments refused admittance to people of color only allowing in poor white residents. In 1953, the single complex was destroyed (Evictions).
The 1952 demolition of Section 14, a collection of lots owned by AC members, occurred as a result of a city Resolution known as No. 678. The Bureau of Indian Affairs cooperated in clearing lots for “re-development” in many cases not informing owners and low-income residents. The Agua Caliente people own a substantial portion of the land in Palm Springs, as well as the former Spa Resort Casino (recently demolished with future use unknown).
The elimination of Section 14 had long-term effects for the racial demographics in the Coachella Valley. A previously multiracial community turned to a segregated region. Palm Springs now stands at 75.7% white. Neighboring Cathedral City is 58% Latin@, and further east cities are now predominantly Latin@: Indio, Ca 67.8%, Coachella, Ca 96.4%, Thermal ,Ca 95.3%, Mecca, Ca 98.7%, North Shore, Ca 95.3%. There are no cities with a significant number of Black residents. Palm Springs stands at 4.4% with most Black residents living in the North Palm Springs region segregated from the white-dominated city center. Following the destruction of Section 14, many Black residents started communities in Banning, Ca located 25 miles northwest of Palm Springs. While the dispersal of Section 14 was not the only cause of the current racial makeup, the elimination set the precedent for intentional segregation reinforcing its effects through housing segregation linked continual expansion of the tourist market. As immigration increased the number of Latin@ residents and
Throughout the 1970s, reflecting the national trend, the Coachella Valley became known for a severe shortage of affordable housing. In 1977, local newspaper The Desert Sun reported that despite burgeoning, rapid development of housing throughout the valley, political factors and economic interests contributed to a severe shortage of affordable housing typically occupied by those employed in tourism and agriculture. Despite planning director Dick Smith proclaiming the “social profits” of housing, the article notes that increased social service costs come with fair housing, so people employed in Palm Springs are forced to reside in surrounding cities such as Indio (one of a number of predominantly Latin@ east valley cities). Indio planning director Bill Northrup estimated subsidized housing at 25% of all housing in Indio. Northrup anticipated that the strain on Indio due to the lack of provision in cities such as Palm Springs could eventually “see a need to shift future low-income housing to areas other than Indio.” Cities placed blame on lack of funding from state, federal, and county government, though locally created zoning density laws prevent development in many areas anyway. The article concludes with Northrup stating that even moderate-income residents such as news reporters struggle to afford housing (Aleshire).
In the1980s Palm Desert Planning Commission called for an increase in affordable housing units. An obstacle lied in municipal codes. New projects would require changes in zoning, density, and minimum square-footage laws, which were typically met with opposition from city governments (Trainer 83). Part of the many interwoven factors preventing provision of adequate housing, codes not developed with consideration for housing equality have prevented the building of enough units.
During 1990s, decades after the annihilation of Section 14, affordable housing had not reached adequate levels, but as further threatened by a federal spending reduction proposal by Rep. Jerry Lewis (R) from Redlands (a city approximately 40 miles from Palm Springs). A graphic provides shortage figures reporting 7,500 people on the waiting list to receive subsidized housing in Riverside county (Chan 95). In 1999, the Southern California Association of Governments estimated 19,832 new homes would be needed in the desert by 2005 with 59% on unincorporated land, some of which lies where there are plans for endangered species preserves. The figure is based on growth estimates from cities who protested the SCAG numbers, and called for a new figure by claiming such numbers resulted from mix-ups between economic development officials and county planners. Such instances are representative of the bureaucratic obstacles in a region whose economy was built on tourism, and has building laws reflective of those industries.The 4th District County Supervisor Roy Wilson called the figure “unrealistic” claiming that amount of building would result in urban sprawl. President of the desert chapter of Building Industry Association of Southern California, Ed Kibbey, stated that the projected demand was not there (Herendeen). Yet, statistics and reports from figures such as Northrup would suggest otherwise. A project map includes six Palm Desert developments arising including resorts, golf-course homes, a gallery, and medical offices. Future developments include more single-family development and expansion of mid to high-end commercial areas. No mention of affordable housing (Community Development 1999). Desert Sun reporter Villagran (who now works for CV Housing Coalition) juxtaposes 37 million - dollar-plus sales with HUD exploring a shack inhabited by Mecca (near Salton Sea) residents. Palm Springs initiates a study of needs, and Coachella assists 80 buyers. Palm Desert housing manager acknowledges the deficiency (Need Grows 1999). More affluent residents are claimed to have a “not in my backyard” attitude toward affordable housing, stalling two Palm Desert projects due to resident complaints for fear of reduced property values (Dimeglio 99). The City of Indian Wells, a municipality know for one of the highest rates of wealth per capita with a 95% white population, attempted to give away funds allocated by the county and for affordable housing to neighboring Coachella12 miles east. Such housing funds are meant to provide for low-wage workers in the tourism industry. Community response led to efforts to prevent such development occurring in the city due to concerns over property values and demographic shifts. The City of Indian Wells, CA attempted to give away affordable housing money to Coachella, CA about 10 miles to the east in order to prevent he building of such units in a city primarily comprised of resorts and country clubs that employ a significant number of laborers in the tourism industry. “Not in my backward” attitudes were reflected when residents of an affluent Palm Desert neighborhood lobbied the city of Palm Desert to prevent the construction of nearby units.
From 2010 to present, Palm Desert claims to have the most affordable housing units in the region with 1,923 units. Mayor Cinder Finerty votes against a new development plan in a 4-1 vote due to density (“After Much Ado” 2010). Desert Sun reporter Mike Perrault reporteda decrease in inventory of low to mid-priced homes. Real estate professionals report opportunistic post-recession investment comprised much of the surge rather than low to mid-income purchasers familiar to the community (Perrault 2010). 2014 saw the groundbreaking on a senior-citizen affordable housing complex to consist of 72 units in Palm Desert. The city senior waiting list includes 400 residents (Herzog). Rising home prices slowed reportedly as the result of “greater inventory, less investor interest and fewer affordable homes.” Affordable homes were largely sold to investors, some from other areas such as Los Angeles following recovery from the housing crisis mass increase in foreclosures. Prices hovered around $300,000 on the north end of Palm Springs, a 31% increase from the prior year. Real estate agent David Banks looks forward to the increase in “quality” of buyers as tourist season ends (which largely draws in northerners from OR, WA,Canada), and fewer, but more quality buyers come in from Los Angeles, Orange County, and San Diego (Fong 2014).
The destruction of Section 14 resulted in a dispersal of people of color across the valley with the largest group, Latin@s being pushed east toward the Salton Sea. Housing demographics have been shaped both by residents of affluent neighborhoods and their municipalities working against the construction of affordable housing in their neighborhoods and valuing laws that suit the aesthetic and lifestyle choices of country club culture. Thus, residents have been pushed to regions such as the north coast of the highly polluted Salton Sea.
Environment: Salton Sea and Water Resources
Environmental factors have also played a significant role in the determination of where people of color and white residents live and housing segregation. As noted above, east valley communities surrounding the Salton Sea are almost entirely Latin@ with most cities being over 90%. Originally an artificially constructed tourist hub for wealthy and often famous desert visitors., the Salton Sea is a toxic. When the Colorado River swelled in 1905, the sea was formed. In the 1970s, flooding and agricultural runoff from nearby farms polluted the sea after a long run as a boating destination. The surrounding towns with over 90% Latin@ communities drawn in by the agricultural industry have suffered from the environmental effects of a sea polluted by agricultural waste that is harmful to respiratory systems.
The accidental sea was formed with wildlife including birds and fish flocking to what became the largest lake in California. In 1964, the Board of Trade reported Oroville Dam as key to water transfer along manmade river to Riverside County (“State Water” 1964). Palm Desert resident Bob Mitchell expresses fear that subsidence will affect his home as he lives on a two-square mile patch sinking 1.25 inters per year. Fran Jones of Hovley Estates fears the effects of damage on investment property. The USGS reported groundwater use as the cause impacting, Palm Desert, La Quinta, Indian Wells, and north of the Salton Sea. The Colorado River Quantification agreement was in negotiation at the time, which would result in river water refilling underground aquifers over 15 to 30 years (Velush 2000). Salton Sea Repository has reports on the impact of the agreement. Looking into the impact on impoverished Salton Sea area. An 2007 article summarizes the history of settlement in the desert, “...overrun by settlers of European descent. The latter group first came for land and solitude, then to rejuvenate in the dry desert air, and finally to escape the frantic pace of urban life.” The author, a curator at the then Palm Springs Desert Museum (now the Palm Springs Art Museum) laments the endangered species, and notes the depletion of groundwater. He states natural life was the initial draw for newcomers, but an increasing population threatens natural life and resources (Cornett 2001). The USGS reports subsidence resulting from groundwater use with threat to infrastructure. Increasing population is expected to exacerbate the issue (Goolsby 2007).
Impact reports on the planned transfer of water from the Salton Sea to San Diego water authorities indicate probably public health concerns for the region surrounding the sea. As previously noted, the region is almost entirely occupied by laborers, particularly those in agricultural and service jobs. Due to the decades of pollution by the farmers who employ such residents, the sea is loaded with pollutants. A water transfer would allow such pollutants to rise and damage respiratory systems according to environmental health experts.
The impact of such environmental degradation has been disproportionately put on Latin@ residents of Salton Sea communities. Depletion of water resources due to desert agriculture and tourism has led to depletion of groundwater aquifers and subsidence. In response, water authorities diverted water from the Colorado River, which is drying up due to overuse. Due to the drought, the Quantification Agreement may soon be enacted resulting in the transport and desalination of sea water in San Diego, CA.
Environmental impact reports have stated the potential impact of the transfer on local residents. Shaped by racism, classism, and bureaucracy, low-income residents have been pushed to these communities to still have somewhat reasonable access to the very industries that drew them in. Removing water from the Salton Sea will potentially (and likely) cause pollutants to rise from the sea with a significant possibility of causing lung damage to inhabitants of surrounding communities.
Pinkwashing: Queer Inclusion?
Queer inclusion has painted an image of a highly progressive Palm Springs, while structural violence against queer people of color, police targeting, and physical violence persists in the shadows.Beginning in the 1960s, youth vacationers began to come to Palm Springs for spring break, engaging in violence and public debauchery. Spring Break 1986 marked a turning point in Palm Springs tourism when police confronted vacationers. Cruising (in the literal sense of riding motorcycles through the streets though public sexuality was also an issue) and flashing had become commonplace for the sexually-charged spring vacation in the city. The youth roamed Palm Canyon Drive drunk and naked, rioted outside the baseball stadium, and openly took drugs. In an effort to resist police, rioters fought back, and were met with tear gas, gunshots, and beatings. An era of Palm Springs as the deviant spring break vacation destination ended for the time being with strict new laws enacted between 1986 and 1991 (though this reputation never entirely died and is arguably being restored through more profitable means). This period marked a time of decay as many resorts and midcentury homes and business buildings were left uncared for. Following the riots, the downtown main street Palm Canyon was shut down for spring break by the city government which sought to reform the Palm Springs image. Statements by mayor Sonny Bono reveal the role of sexual conservatism in the anti-youth efforts. One of the primary concerns of the police and council was women wearing “too-revealing bathing suits” in public. In February 1991, the City Council voting to increase policing and passed six new laws regarding certain types of bathing suits, motorcycles on the main street, alcohol in public, and treating public nudity as indecent exposure (a harsher penalty than California law and the same charge later applied in the 2009 sting). Local business owners expressed doubts about the effectiveness of laws in deterring youth presence and behavior.