Middle School Girls

1

Middle School Girls

and Science

Kim Barbaro

Master of Science in Education Program

Northwestern University

June 2011

Abstract

This masters project examines how 7th and 8th grade girls in a single sex school with a high minority enrollment are encouraged in learning science. The project examines the perspectives of researcher, teacher and students to ascertain what aspects of learning in an all girls school encourages middle school girls in learning science. Additionally, this project examines the role of the teacher and the way in which science is taught in an effort to unearth successful (and unsuccessful) practices for encouraging middle school girls in science.

Table of Contents:

Research QuestionPage 4

Rationale for ProjectPage 5

Literature ReviewPage 7

Data CollectionPage 42

Data Results SummaryPage 45

Data InterpretationPage 53

ConclusionsPage 74

ReferencesPage 81

AppendicesPage 83

Research Question

How are 7th and 8th grade girls in schools with high minority enrollment encouraged in learning science?

1. Do girls like science better when they are in single sex classes? If yes, what aspects of the single sex class do they like better?

1. What role does the teacher play in empowering middle school girls in science? What qualities do girls admire in middle school science teachers and does liking a teacher affect their views about science?

1. Is the subject matter or way in which science is taught in an all girls’ school more engaging for female students? What are these differences and do they contribute to girls’ long-term engagement in science beyond middle school?

Rationale:

Historically, women have not entered careers in science and engineering in nearly the same numbers as men. Researchers have focused on different aspects of this phenomenon from girls’ attitudes about science, gender-separated classes, the role of puberty and girls’ academic performance among other topics. Much of the research has focused on high school girls and middle school girls in general. I would like to focus on 8th grade girls; specifically girls of African American and Hispanic descent. Past research has shown that minority girls are at particularly high risk for losing interest in science and mathematics and thus are a prime candidate for study.

The issue of girls and science encouragement means a lot to me personally because I plan to teach middle school science, and I want to treat my students fairly in the classroom. I feel that girls have been at a disadvantage in traditional co-educational science classrooms. I was fortunate enough to have been able to attend an all-girls’ school for my entire early education (K-12), and I wonder if my passion for and confidence in science is a direct result of that specific educational experience.

I started out the quarter interested in the domain of girls and science because I am perplexed by the dearth of women studying science in higher education and who choose careers in science fields other than medicine. Over the course of the quarter, I honed in on middle school science because that is the area I want to teach and that is the last area where students all take the same subjects in science regardless of academic ability. I wanted to look at these few grades and find out what happens during the middle school years that causes girls to lose interest in science. Then, after I interviewed the 6th and 8th grade teachers at a school in Skokie, both teachers noted that there is a distinct break in girls’ attitudes and achievement between 6th and 8th grades. Thus, I developed my MPQ and the surrounding cluster from the results of these interviews and my own extrapolations.

I believe that by examining female students and teachers in middle school science in a single sex school, I will gain a better understanding of the dynamics of these classrooms. Specifically looking at single sex schools, the role of the teacher and the science curriculum, I hope to unearth some of the facets that contribute to or detract from girls’ encouragement in science. In examining these issues, I hope to improve my own practice by being more aware of how middle school girls feel about their role in learning science and how it is taught in the science classroom. Ultimately I believe this investigation will benefit all my students and help them achieve in the co-educational environment.

Literature Review

Introduction:

According to Bojesen (2000) in 1995, women were greater than 50% of the U.S. population but only 22% of scientists and engineers. The American Association of University Women (AAUW) (1992) found that even girls who are academically talented in math and science are far less likely than their male peers to explore a career in science or engineering. What is happening to girls in science in this country?

This researcher will focus on 7th and 8th grade girls to highlight the critical period before girls enter high school and where they are all taking the same science courses regardless of ability. The middle school years (defined as grades 6, 7 and 8 for the purposes of this paper) are a critical time in girls’ academic and social lives. They are undergoing a myriad of physical and emotional changes in addition to taking on classes with increased academic rigor. It is crucial for girls to engage in academic subjects during this time in order to prepare for the higher-level courses in high school and college.

Despite the need for increased focus on academics, Cavanagh, Riegle-Crumb and Crosnoe (2007) found that middle school is the quintessential time for adolescents to rebel against conforming and authority and thus rebel against an interest in academic pursuits. Science is an area where girls have traditionally had more difficulty in achievement and engagement compared to their male peers. Research has also shown that IQ scores and science test scores for girls drop during early adolescence (Pipher, 1994). Eccles (2007) found that interest in science decreases for both boys and girls in middle school, though more boys continue on to take higher level science classes in high school than girls.

What is happening to girls during middle school to make them confident as entering 6th graders and seriously lacking in academic self -esteem after 8th grade? While there are many factors that influence girls’ successes in science, this researcher will focus specifically on single-sex environments, the role of the teacher and the way in which science is taught within single-sex schools in an effort to unearth the nuances of this disheartening phenomenon.

Single-sex Versus Coeducational Environments:

Boys and girls learn very differently in the classroom. Countless researchers have looked at this phenomenon and tried to determine whether single-sex schools are the answer to helping both boys and girls excel in school. The results have been largely inconclusive. Girls in particular, change dramatically with regard to their presence in the classroom after 6th grade. Pipher (1994)cites an example of a horticulturalist who was leading a tour of girls in middle school—noting the differences between the younger girls who were asking questions avidly, excited by everything and not afraid to show it. In sharp contrast were the 9th grade girls who “stood primly to the side, looking bored and even a little disgusted by the enthusiasm of their younger classmates” (Pipher, p. 19). Why are these older girls so disengaged with school and the process of education? Would placing them in a single-sex school help them excel in science?

Many researchers advocate for single-sex education because it can help girls feel more comfortable socially and emotionally and therefore increase their chances for academic success. Sax (2005) argues that single-sex schools help break down gender stereotypes by allowing students to be who they really are without worrying about what the opposite sex will think. Sax (2005) cites research that has shown girls in a single-sex school are more likely to take physics and computer science. Pipher (1994) notes that single-sex schools tend to be smaller and therefore more appealing to girls at this age. Many coeducational schools are larger and more impersonal further alienating girls.

Cavanagh et al. (2007) studied the effect of early pubertal timing on adolescent academics during middle school and then the effects for later educational opportunities. They used data from Add Health, a nationally representative sample of adolescents in grades 7-12 who were surveyed in 1995 and the Adolescent Health and Academic Achievement (AHAA) transcript study to obtain their results. The Add Health data was collected from approximately 90,000 students who were surveyed in school and then a nationally representative sample from this group was surveyed at home a year later. 20,745 students were interviewed for the first set of interviews in 1995 and then second interviews were conducted with the same group in 1996 followed by a third set from 2001-2002. Approximately 74% of the initially interviewed participants were still present by the third interviews. Cavanagh et al. (2007) used only female subjects who were present for all the interviews and had high school transcripts available resulting in a sample size of 4653 girls. They acknowledge that the smaller sample size may lead to inherent bias by limiting for both interviews and transcript availability. Cavanagh et al (2007) found that the girls they studied had higher grade point averages and Picture Vocabulary Test Scores. In addition, they were more likely to have two biological parents families who had achieved higher levels of education. They measured early pubertal timing by self-reported age of first menses. Early maturing girls were designated as those having their first period before age 12 (26% of the sample).

Based on their findings about early puberty and its detrimental effect on academic achievement in both the short and long-term, Cavanagh et al. (2007) advocate for single-sex schools or separated middle and high schools so girls entering early puberty have less exposure to older students or males who might influence them in a negative way both academically and socially.

Mael, Alonso, Gibson, Rogers & Smith (2005) conducted a review of the quantitative and qualitative literature concerning single-sex and coeducational schools to date. Specifically, they used three types of studiesin their analysis; articles and books concerning the theoretical discussion of single-sex schooling, qualitative studies based on interviews and observations of students and resulting in recommendations for or against single-sex schooling, and quantitative studies in which a hypothesis was tested concerning an observed relationship between certain aspects of academics or social constructs involving single-sex schools. They did not put a limit on the dates of the publications and acknowledge that some of the observations and conclusions found may be out of date. Mael et al. (2005) found that in 75% of studies examining the effect of single-sex school on girls’ self-concept there was a positive correlation. In contrast, Mael et al. (2005), found in looking at self-esteem that all three of the studies in their review did not find a correlation between self-esteem and girls in single-sex schools.

Greenfield (1996) examined science attitudes and achievement for students in grades three through twelve representing the four major ethnic groups in Hawaii. He concluded that ethnicity was the major reason for differences in achievement—more than grades and even gender. In examining the correlation between science attitudes and achievement, Greenfield (1996) used scores from the science section of the Stanford Achievement Test (SAT) to assess science achievement. Greenfield (1996) noted that while only five of the seven districts in Hawaii participated heavily on the science subtest, the overall gender and ethnic groups represented in those taking the tests reflected the district as a whole. Greenfield (1996) collected science attitude data from a sample of schools and classes that took the SAT subtest. They surveyed two to three classes from each grade from clusters of schools (elementary, secondary and high school) from three school districts. They surveyed over 1000 students, but found that because some of the schools had disproportionately large ethnic groups represented, the usable sample size was smaller. Because of over-representation of certain ethnic groups in the sample, Greenfield (1996) noted that the results of science attitudes must be observed with caution. Greenfield (1996) assessed attitudes about science using the Science Attitude Questionnaire developed by Simpson and Troost (1982). He assessed attitudes toward girls and women in science using two surveys, Perceptions of Science and Scientists and Science Experiences Survey developed by Mason and Kahle (1988).

Like Mael et al. (2005), Greenfield (1996) also found little difference in a coeducational school in science achievement or attitudes about science by gender. Instead, he found that ethnicity and grade level have much more bearing on the correlation between science attitudes and achievement.

In a slightly different approach to studying the effects of single-sex classes for science, Baker & Jacobs (1999), Baker (2002) and Rodrick, & Tracy (2001) studied the effect of separating girls and boys just for math and science classes within a coeducational school. Baker et al. (1999) researched students by separated by gender for a year in science and math in a middle school with high minority enrollment. The majority of the students were Hispanic and a smaller proportion were African American with only one to two White students in each class. The school was located in a poor, urban environment with a highly transient population and a large rate of absenteeism. The teachers at the school initiated this experiment hoping to encourage more girls to become excited about math and science. Baker et al. (1999) studied two single-sex, 7th grade math and science classrooms both taught by female teachers. They collected three kinds of data including classroom observations made by a university researcher and a journal kept by an intern in the class for the entire year. In addition, they collected teacher awarded grades and curriculum materials and student work. Finally, they collected interviews with 30 students, three university interns and two teachers. The students who were interviewed were disproportionately female because more female students returned their permission forms. Students were asked about their attitudes toward science and their self-concept both now and when they were in the mixed-sex classes. Teachers were asked about their experiences teaching the single-sex classes and how their feelings about teaching students of different genders influenced their teaching practices.

After looking at the three sources of data and synthesizing the results, Baker et al. (1999) found that girls did better academically in the single-sex classes than the boys. Baker et al. (1999) note that the academic success of the girls may not necessarily be attributable to the single-sex setting since the girls in the coeducational settings were also performing better than the boys academically. In addition, they had no data from the previous year on the girls’ academic performance so it is possible the girls were already performing better than the boys before the experiment began. On a positive note, the girls reported feeling more empowered and comfortable to act as a leader and follower in the single-sex setting. Ultimately, Baker et al. (1999) felt that both boys and girls were getting shortchanged in the single-sex classes since the teachers simply taught the same curriculum in the same way to both sets of students. This approach did not take into account the different interests of the two groups and the pace at which each was willing and able to go. Baker et al. (1999) concluded, “equity is often better promoted by doing things differently to meet different student needs” (Baker et al., 1999, p. 7).

In a nearly identical research study several years later, Baker (2002) examined a 7th and 8th grade middle school that was also largely Hispanic with a smaller number of African American students. The teachers were again both female and he collected data as he had before from the perspective of a university researcher, male and female middle school students, two classroom teachers and three university interns. The data collection in this study differed from Baker et al. (1999) in that Baker (2002) looked extensively at the kind of work being done in class and whether it required high or low cognitive demand. Similar to his study in 1999, Baker (2002) collected data from interviewing students and teachers, journals and classroom observations, student work, lesson plans and grades and interviews with approximately 25% of the student population (n=30). As with Baker et al. (1999), Baker (2002) interviewed more female students than male because the female students were more likely to return their permission slips.

The teachers at the school had initiated the single-sex classrooms two years before this study was conducted. The teachers hoped that by separating girls and boys for math and science, the girls would have higher academic achievement, better self-confidence about math and science and feel more empowered and more positive about these subjects. After completing his study, Baker (2002) found that girls reported feeling more comfortable and thus more willing to speak in class in the single-sex environment. They felt more empowered with more opportunities to lead and follow just as he had found in the study by Baker et al. (1999). Baker (2002) stressed the limitations of these findings because no comparisons were made with girls in co-ed classes or to the same students the previous year when they were in co-ed classes.