COMPETENCE DEVELOPMENT IN LATE CAREER: A EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE

Leif Chr. Lahn

University of Oslo

Abstract

There is a gap between the political and public interest in issues of late career and the contributions from HRD-research. In this article a review is made of the literature on cognitive ageing and learning abilities in an occupational context. Multidimensional and non-linear perspectives are increasingly replacing models of late career as a period of declining expertise. Data from a EU research project “Working life changes and the training of older workers” (WORKTOW) supports such a redefinition. It also challenges some of the optimistic scenarios for late career that are held out by the literature on “boundaryless careers”. A socio-cultural framework that is more sensitive to the institutional and cultural diversity of a European age-aware HRD is asked for.

Key words: Late career, competence development, learning abilities.

Introduction

In many European countries the transition from work to retirement is the object of intense public debates, and in a broader perspective we are encountering the following paradoxes: On the one side the onset of physical and mental decline is taking place far later than in the past, and on the other side the documented retirement age is going down despite efforts taken by governments and social partners to enforce more restrictive practices of early retirement schemes and disability pensioning (Walker, 2000). This trend is also contrary to the increasing relevance of social competence and ”wisdom” in modern working life – and the elimination of physically demanding jobs. Thus some of the ”push” factors responsible for early exit are weakened, but recent surveys of working conditions in Europe suggest that intensification and the imperative of flexibilisation and continuous updating are putting a lot of strain on older workers (Lahn, 1999; Merllie & Paoli, 2001). A stronger emhasis on competence development in late career has been advocated by policy makers and researchers alike (Tikkanen et al., 2001). However they will find little support in the literature on human resource development, where references to these issues are remarkably few (Greller & Simpson, 1999; Brewster & Holt Larsen, 2000).

In the following paper I will review research from different disciplines that could deepen our understanding of competence development in the late stages of occupational careers (the period from around 55 to 70). My argument is substantiated by theoretical and empirical analyses done within the framework of a EU-funded research project, “Working life changes and the training of older workers” (WORKTOW), with partners from the UK, Finland and Norway (Tikkanen et al., 2001) and associated activities in the Netherlands, Germany, Switzerland, Sweden and Italy (Lahn et al., 1998).

When elaborating the relationships between “competence development”, “late career” and “older workers”, it seems quite relevant to review the literature on age differences in job performance and mental abilities (see Forteza & Prieto, 1994; Cremer & Snel, 1994). Although there is a growing acceptance that people may increase their intellectual resources in late adulthood, the research on cognitive ageing (see Salthouse, 1991) is still burdened with deep-rooted biological models of human stagnation and decline as a unidimensional prosess. Thus a somewhat pessimistic foundation is laid for an age-aware HRD-policy. On the other hand, some recent versions of career theory are turning the pendulum in the opposite direction – and probably a bit too far. One of the main lessons from the WORKTOW-project is that strong assumptions about definite trends should be replaced by a multidirectional approach. Thus several questions are brought to the fore in the discussion of competence development and late career: What is the relevance of research on cognitive ageing for understanding learning motivation and abilities among older workers? How are these variables influenced by age-related stereotypes in working life? Does flexibilisation of career trajectories provide employees in late career with new learning opportunities? How do different institutional-cultural contexts for competence development in European countries influence these relationships? I will return to these questions in my final discussion.

A short note on methodology

The WORKTOW-project was designed as action research (Reason & Bradbury, 2001) meaning that the researchers were to work closely with the participating companies - in discussing measures that could improve an age-aware HRD-policy. I will not go into the details of this strategy since they are not the primary data for my presentation here.

In addition to the use of interventional methods we made a larger descriptive empirical study of the 27 SMEs (7 in Finland, 12 in the UK and 8 in Norway) that took part in the project. They were systematically sampled to represent a typology of manual, service and office work (based on Blackler, 1995). Data were collected and processed through in-depth interviews, documentary analysis, questionnaires ( (378 employees and 37 employers) and work shop observations. The major themes were related to the participation of older workers in training and informal learning activities, and to social and institutional factors that may influence this ”community of learners”. Needless to say this article cannot do full justice to the rich empirical material from the project, and the interested reader is referred to the final report (Tikkanen et al., 2001). The discussion of the present paper is substantiated by primary and secondary data from different sources:

·  An extensive literature review was made in the early stages of the project. Common principles of bibliographical searches and synthesizing research were adhered to (Cooper, 1998). The discussion on age-differendes in learning abilities leans on these summaries.

·  The conclusions on attitudes towards older workers are supported by questionnaire data and the literature review..

·  In the section on boundaryless careers the WORKTOW-findings are mainly derived from linking in-depth interview and questionnaire data.

Both qualitative and quantitative data from the study have been subjected to some of the analytical steps prescribed by grounded theory (Corbin & Strauss, 1990) – combining systematic interpretations of casuistic data and theoretical elaborations of key relationships. The findings from the questionnaires provided an extensive base for triangulating the conclusions drawn from the “thicker” descriptions.

Competence development and age-differences in learning abilities

There is a clear discrepancy between laboratory studies finding evidence of decrements in mental functioning from the 60ties, and a vast number of studies showing no age-related downwards trend in work abilities and performance (Warr, 1994). Also different types of skills have distinct developmental profiles. Whereas an age-related decrement in sensory-motoric speed is seen in many occupations, expertise may counteract such processes (deZwart, Frings-Dresen, & van Dijk, 1998). The same goes for cognitive abilities, but general conclusions may not be defensible. Contemporary developmental studies are careful to define key characteristics of tasks like simple/complex, low/high time pressure and concrete/abstract (Warr, 1998). Several studies have found higher intra- and interindividual variability on mental abilities in late adulthood (up to around 80, Morse, 1993) compared to younger subjects. In other words people develop different skills at different points in life, and at the same time people become more and more different. These conclusions suggest that a life-course perspective on HRD should be differential across domains of expertise, individual biographies and age groups.

Laboratory studies that compare learning outcomes for younger and older subjects conclude that the former are the most productive (same outcome in less time), see Kausler (1994). The differences are largest in the initial learning of new material (Warr, 1998), which is consistent with research pointing to a decline in intentional learning and metacognitive processing (awareness of problem solving strategies) with age. In analysing the underlying mechanisms attention is directed towards differences in relevant practice, processing speed and weakened inhibition. Also in learning to perform real life tasks, for example to use computers (Baldi, 1997; Birdi et al., 1997), the oldest group was less successful - especially when they are put under time pressure. Like many observations about learning and old age these could be interpreted in a more contextualistic direction. For example the problem of ageing learners to acquire “abstract” or school-like skills may be a function of low formal training and a cohort-effect. As pointed out by Warr (1998) younger and older workers are often given the same amount of training in the use of ICT which place the later in a disadvantageous position, since they lack basic skills. In professional contexts where continuous learning is essential to productive career, for example among scientists (Streufert, Pogash & Piaseck, 1990) and clinical psychologists (Smith, Staudinger & Baltes, 1994), there is evidence of deepened expertise in late career.

Instructional guidelines for adult teaching very often find support in experimental research on age-differences in learning abilities. For example new material should be presented at a slow rate and in small chunks with frequent pauses for note taking and discussion since the information processing capacity is said to be reduced with increasing age (Fisk & Rogers, 1997). These and similar ideas have an intuitive appeal and are rather non-controversial (Greller & Simpson, 1999). However they should apply equally well to old as to young learners. Another objection could be that these guidelines seem closely associated with formal training programmes. On the other hand the following findings from in-depth interviews of older workers taking part in the WORKTOW-project, suggest that they may be quite valid in a working life context.

·  Older workers with low formal education are often reluctant to take the role of “apprentices”. The use mild pressure from management or colleagues may have an advantageous effect, especially if it fully acknowledges the learning abilities of the former.

·  Study circles at the work place and other collaborative learning arrangements enable experienced workers to appropriate abstract skills by providing rich and supportive feedback.

·  For employees with a long career in routine work the transition to self-directed learning may have to be mediated by incremental learning schemes.

·  Empowerment strategies, job-enrichment and cultivation of learning environments should take into account dominant work values for senior employees, for example the need to be independent in their work and loyalties to traditional power structures in the companies.

To summarize this review of research on age differences and work-related learning abilities it supports the argument that these relationships are quite complex and need to be addressed in a contextual way. Established truths about adult learning need to be refined by paying attention to individual and institutional contingencies. Such a conclusion is especially warranted when motivational issues are taken into consideration. Low investment in learning during late career may have less to do with learning abilities than with poor self-esteem and social attitudes towards older workers as learners. I will address these themes in the next section.

Attitudes towards the learning abilities of older workers and motivation to learn

Based on the WORKTOW-data and other sources (see methodolgocial note) the following summary could be made on how the learning abilities of employees in their late career are perceived by different groups.

·  Overall positive attitudes towards the competence of older workers were reported from the WORKTOW-project. In this respect no differences were found between managers and employees. When our informants were asked to make qualitative assessments, the following were mentioned: Social and communicational skills, broad understanding of production process, cultural insight and effective decision-making (see also Lyng, 1999). These results are consistent with experimental studies done by the Baltes-group on “wisdom” in professional work (Smith, Staudinger & Baltes, 1994).

·  Senior employees are more positive than their younger colleagues. The findings from the WORKTOW-project suggest that there are age-norms among workers that are asked to evaluate the competence of older and younger colleagues. There is a familiarity-effect since employees that are working in mixed age-groups, held more positive attitudes towards senior colleagues (Heier, Lyng & Lahn, 1997).

·  The ability to learn abstract skills goes down with increasing age. Whereas small age-differences are expected when the output is work performance, older workers are clearly perceived as slower learners (Maier, 1998, Löfström & Pitkänen, 1999). Such attitudes are most often met in the case of ICT-training, but our findings suggest that the decisive factor is related to the instructional methods and not age-differences in learning abilities.

·  Discrepancies between reported attitudes and practice are very common . It has been demonstrated again and again that the classical discrepancy between reported perceptions and behaviour does apply for stereotypes towards older workers, for example positive views are not reflected in hiring practices (Settersten, 1997). One of the mediating variables may be the ”implicit theories” of managers (Sternberg, 1985) that often lean on underlying models of linear decline that are embedded in management theory and economics (Greller & Simpson, 1999). Thus they influence decision-making in companies and by policy makers, and tend to have a self-fulfilling character since underlying assumptions are not examined.

·  Turnaround skills and flexible working life. In the WORKTOW-material there is mixed support for a general proposition that senior employees are resisting work place changes. A key factor seems to be the extent to which they are included in the restructuring processes, since experienced workers often have strong preferences for wholistic approaches as epistemic platforms for action (Lahn, 1999).

Stereotypes are likely to have a detrimental effect on the self-perception of older workers. They may avoid challenging situations, and thus strengthening images of themselves as inactive and risk-aversive (reduced self-efficiency, Bandura, 1986). In addition older workers are usually not expected to be involved in training, and they tend to be left out of discussions on career goals.

In addition to these micro-genetic factors that could explain low motivation for learning in late career, there are several cultural-institutional contingencies that have to be taken into account, for example the level of formal training, lack of training opportunities, the absence of a learning culture, employers’ perception of low return on investments in training for older employees. Learning goals in an occupational context are often defined in relation to trajectories from marginal positions to a highly valued centrality in organisational life. When advancement opportunities are non-existent, older workers may find it hard to be accepted by others and by one self as a learner. In one of the WORKTOW-interventions (see methodological note) it was clearly documented that women above 50, in jobs with few career options, were not aware of any needs for personal development in occupational contexts.