Men and Learning: the barriers and how to overcome them
The barriers
A range of interacting social, cultural, economic and structural obstacles prevent many men from engaging in education and training (McGivney 1999, 2004). These include:
School experience.
School plays a key part in shaping male identities and behaviour patterns. It also affects future attitudes to learning, as individuals tend to apply their experiences of compulsory education to other learning contexts. Although there are differences between different social classes and cultural groups, there is a distinct ‘antilearning culture’ among some young men, especially white boys from a working-class background. This may have been exacerbated by the emphasis on test and examination results and the absence of male role models indicating that learning is ‘cool’ (Klein, 1999; Haywood and Mac an Ghaill, 2003).Many boys also dislike the academic school curriculum, especially written assignments. This has been attributed to fear of failure and potential exposure to ridicule (Taylor, 2003; Jackson, 2003).
Black pupils sometimes feel that their history, needs and aspirations are ignored at school and some view future participation in organised learning as incompatible with their culture and life-style. Boys from affluent backgrounds, who aspire to professional careers, are more likely to view study as a means of achieving their goals. (Archer et al, 2001; Frosh et al, 2001; Lloyd, 2002).
Peer group influence and cultural constructions of an acceptable masculine identity
Peer group pressure to conform to certain norms of ‘laddish’ behaviour discourages some groups from engaging in activities perceived as ‘geekish’ or feminine. These include working hard at school or staying in full-time education after the age of sixteen.
During adulthood, many men seek to maintain what they feel is an appropriate masculine image. Some groups, such as those in male-dominated manual occupations, believe that participation in education is not what ‘real’ men do, and that it is incompatible with their traditional role as workers and breadwinners. Departure from habitual male values and behaviour could lead to rejection and exclusion by their peers (McGivney, 2004).
Practical obstacles
Participation in learning can involve economic as well as social and cultural risks for men.
Employed men are often deterred from engaging in learning by work pressures, shift patterns, job insecurity and domestic and financial commitments. Some do not participate in training because it is not required by their employment (O’Brien and Shemilt, 2003).
Amongunemployed or intermittently employed men, economic concerns take precedence over education and training. Many view learning as irrelevant and are unaware of the education and information services available (Bond, 1999). Some are sceptical about the value of learning, having participated in national schemes that did not lead to sustainable jobs or which involved working for very low pay (Robinson, 2000). Others see no connection between qualifications and employment – a view partly confirmed by research evidence indicating that there is not an automatic link between lower qualifications and the labour market. Other factors such as prior work experience, computing skills and holding a driving licence play an important part in job acquisition (Fitzgerald et al, 2000; Robinson, 2000)).
The national policy to get people back into work conflicts with the drive to increase skill levels implicit in the Government’s Skills Strategy (Macleod, 2003). Unemployed people claiming benefits are often discouraged or barred from engaging in learning programmes.
Supply factors
Educational policy is strongly biased towards younger people under the age of 19. The learning needs of adults are a second-order issue, except for those with no qualifications or poor basic skills. Consequently, there are deficiencies in the overall supply of organised learning opportunities, especially those that suit men.
Although men’s motivations to learn are mainly employment-driven, severe weaknesses have been identified in the supply and quality of vocational education and training provision. (ALI, 2003). In the UK, there persists a sharp divide between academic and vocational studies, with the former being accorded far higher status. This particularly affects young men who aspire to manual occupations.
Certain groups of men have very limited access to appropriate and varied learning opportunities. In the workplace, lower grade employees such as operatives are far less likely to be offered training than more senior workers with qualifications (LSC, 2003). Older workers are particularly deprived of training opportunities (Hirsch, 2003). Some employers resist providing training as it could incur financial costs or lead to the loss of workers who may aspire to better jobs. Conversely, the imposition of minimal and obligatory training relating to current work tasks or health and safety, sometimes fosters negative attitudes to training (Kitching and Blackburn, 2002).
Offenders’ learning needs, apart from basic skills, are also sorely neglected, and there has been a sharp decline in the volume of vocational training offered in prisons (Uden, 2003).
Outside work, the lack of male-oriented learning activities acts as a significant barrier to men’s participation. Some colleges no longer provide sufficient courses in traditional male skills such as bricklaying. Similarly, many adult and community education centres have dropped programmes that attract male participants (e.g. woodwork, car maintenance, DIY), in order to reduce or save costs (McGivney, 2004). The majority of adult education programmes on offer appeal mainly to women, reinforcing men’s perception of learning as something ‘that women do’. Men tend to avoid learning venues such as schools and community education centres, perceiving them to be ‘women’s places’ (Sixsmith and Boneham, 2002). Many also avoid venues they believe are connected with Social Services (Fathers Direct, 2003).
Lack of social capital
Men tend to have fewer community links and networks than women, and they engage in less voluntary activity (McGivney, 2005). They suffer greater isolation when out of work, and are less likely than women to be aware of services such as adult education or to seek information and support when experiencing difficulty (Sixsmith and Boneham, 2002).
Overcoming the barriers
Attempts to increase male participation should be based on a realistic understanding of these obstacles and how they affect different male groups. Long-term rather than short-term interventions are required to change embedded male values and cultures. However, men’s participation in learning can be increased by changes to policy (e.g. by making it easier for them to engage in learning without jeopardising welfare benefits); by provision of education programmes and services that are designed and structured with men in mind, and by ensuring that the environment and working practices of learning centres are as appropriate for men as they are for women (Ghate et al, 2000; MacLeod, 2003; Fathers Direct, 2003).
Recruitment strategies
Traditional publicity methods do not succeed with men who are not actively looking for courses. The most effective recruitment method is personal contact (Ghate et al , 2000).
Targeting specific groups of men is far more effective than targeting individuals. Contact with groups is best achieved in the places they habitually frequent (e.g. workplaces, sports clubs, working men’s clubs, pubs), and through liaison with agencies working with men (e.g. youth and community services, employment, careers and guidance services, trade unions, probation services, religious groups, sports clubs etc.). Key workers in these agencies often act as ‘gatekeepers’ and they may need to be persuaded of the value of learning to the men they are in touch with before they will facilitate any contacts (McGivney, 1999).
The language used in initial contacts is very important. It is advisable to avoid giving the impression that learning will require a long-term commitment and to resist asking men about their feelings and attitudes (Millard, 2001; Fathers Direct, 2003). Initial contacts with men require prompt and even repeated follow-ups (Ghate et al, 2000; Fathers Direct, 2003), although it may be counter-productive to ‘push too hard or too fast’ (Levine et al, 1993).
Use of intermediaries as recruitment agents
Men can be recruited to structured learning activities through the intervention of trusted intermediaries such as partners, other family members, friends, fellow workers or union learning representatives who are perceived as ‘one of us’ (Anthill et al, 2002).
Another useful strategy is to identify and ‘convert’ the ‘opinion leaders’ within a male group. If they can be persuaded of the value of learning, others will follow.
Using existing male learners as recruiting agents has proved effective, especially when they are from a similar social or ethnic background as the groups targeted. Male learners who have been trained as ‘Learning Champions’, mentors or ‘learning buddies’ have succeeded in encouraging other men to participate in learning (Adult Learning Inspectorate, 2003).
Providing incentives to learn
Financial incentives (e.g. a reasonable training allowance) encourage men to learn, and also provide an acceptable reason for doing something that may be outside peer group norms. The Education Maintenance Allowance (EMA), for example, has contributed towards an increase in young men’s staying-on rates after the age of 16 (Piatt, 2001).
Another effective ‘hook’ is to provide meals. These can be a means of engaging men, especially those who are multiply-disadvantaged, in informal learning.
Open or ‘taster’ days sometimes encourage men to enter learning centres or institutions, but it is advisable on such occasions to have some male staff or students in attendance, and to advertise existing male participation as much as possible in house literature and photos.
A broad curriculum
Men prefer learning that is related to employment acquisition or career advancement (Lloyd, 2002). Many also prefer learning that is practical, skillsbased and has a wide practical application (Ghate et al, 2000). An initial focus on practical activity often leads to identification of other learning interests. Like women, men have a wide range of interests although they may not always associate these with learning (Greany, 2004). Young men previously alienated from education have become enthusiastic learners when learning has been related to their dominant interests and passions (e.g. sports, music, motorised vehicles, computers). A broad curriculum should therefore be available to men, including practical and work-related courses, general interest programmes, arts, crafts and humanities courses, and programmes where they can share and contribute to their children’s learning (McGivney, 2004).
Appropriate Learning delivery l
The timing and location of learning are important in attracting or deterring men. Some can only participate in flexible and geographically accessible programmes that are organised around their work and family commitments and shift patterns (Anthill et al, 2002).
Evening programmes may be preferred as some unemployed men wish to avoid revealing that they are unoccupied during traditional working hours (Fathers Direct, 2003).
Learning should take place in non-threatening venues which bear no resemblances to a school environment and where other informal activities already take place (Donnelly and Millichamp, 2000). Men often come to a centre for one reason (e.g. to socialise, obtain advice on welfare benefits), but stay for another (McGivney, 1999). Having some male members of staff (as well as male learners) helps men to feel at ease in a learning environment.
. . .
In summary, men’s readiness to engage in learning depends on their perceptions of its relevance, value and appropriateness. They will participate in education or training opportunities which they believe will have practical 'pay-offs’; which are designed, presented and delivered in ways that respond to their circumstances, needs and interests, and which will not threaten their image and standing among their male peers.
References
Adult Learning Inspectorate (ALI) (2003) Annual Report of the Chief Inspector 2002-2003, Coventry: ALI.
Archer, L, Pratt, S & Phillips, D (2001) ‘Workingclass Men's Constructions of Masculinity and Negotiations of (Non) Participation in Higher Education’, Gender and Education, 13(4).
Bond, M (1999) ‘What about the men? Reflections from a picket line on returning to learning’, Studies in the Education of Adults, 31(2), October.
Donnelly, E and Millichamp, J (2000) ‘Learning to survive: experiences and attitudes of young men towards education and training. What happens to working-class men when they leave school?’College Research, June 2000.
Fathers Direct (2003) Fathers and Families: a public consultation concerning developing national standardsfor father-friendly services. Newcastle: Fathers Direct
Fitzgerald, R, Finch, S and Nove, A (2000) Black Caribbean Young Men’s Experiences of Education and Employment, DfEE Research Report No.186, London: National Centre for Social Research.
Frosh, S, Phoenix, A and Pattman, R (2000) Young Masculinities, Birkbeck/Open University.
Ghate, D, Shaw, C and Hazel, N, (2000) Fathers and family centres: engaging fathers in preventive services, York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation.
Greany T ( 2004) ‘Open your papers and begin’, Adults Learning January, 15 (5).
Haywood, C and Mac an Ghaill, M, (2003) Men and Masculinities, Milton Keynes: Open University Press.
Hirsch, D (2003) ‘Qualified Success’, the Guardian 2nd December.
Jackson, C (2003) ‘ Motives for “Laddishness” at School: fear of failure and fear of the “feminine”’ British Educational Research Journal, 29(4), August.
King, P and O’Driscoll, S with Holden, S (2002) Gender and Learning – a study of the learning styles of women and men and their implications for further education and training, Shannon: Shannon Curriculum Development Centre.
Kitching, J and Blackburn, R (2002) The Nature of Training and Motivation to train in small firms, Sheffield: DfES.
Klein, R. (1999). Defying Disaffection. Staffordshire: Trentham Books Limited.
Levine J.A, Murphy, D.T and Wilson, S (1993) Getting men involved: strategies for early childhood programs.New York: Scholastic.
Learning and Skills Council (LSC), 2003 Equality in motion. Second equality and diversity report, Coventry: LSC.
Lloyd, T (2002) Underachieving young men - a report for practitioners, York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation.
McGivney, V (1999) Excluded men: men who are missing from education and
training, Leicester: NIACE.
(2004) Men earn, women learn: bridging the gender divide in
education and training, Leicester: NIACE.
(2005) Adult Learning at a Glance, issue 2 , Leicester: NIACE.
Macleod, D (2003) The welfare system and post-16 learning: breaking down the barriers, London: Learning and Skills Development Agency.
Millard, E (2001) It’s a man thing! Evaluation report of CEDC’s Fathers and ReadingProject, Coventry: CEDC.
O’Brien M and Shemilt, I (2003) Working fathers: earning and caring, Manchester: Equal Opportunities Commission.
Piatt, W (2001) ‘A School Sweetener’, The Guardian, 13 April.
Robinson P (2000) ‘Labour’s post-16 failure’, The College Manager.
Sixsmith, J and Boneham, M (2002) ‘Men and masculinities: accounts of health and social capital’ Chapter 3, in Swann, C, Morgan, A (eds),Social Capital for Health, Health Development Agency, pp 47-60.
Taylor, D (2003) ‘The 'cool', 'uncool' influence of the school ethos on boys' achievement’, Education Journal Issue 71.
Uden, T (2003) Education and training for offenders, Leicester: NIACE.
(Dr) Veronica McGivney, Education Consultant, formerly Principal Research Officer at the National Institute for Adult Continuing Education in England and Wales (NIACE).
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