FEMALE COMBATANTS IN MAOIST INSURGENCY AND THEIR PSYCHOSOCIAL CHALLENGES FOR REINTEGRATION IN POST-CONFLICT SITUATION IN NEPAL: A STUDY ON SATELLITE SUB-CANTONMENTS OF NAWALPARASI
- Ram Kumar Khanal
SSP – Nepal Police
A Dissertation Paper for MA Human Right Law
July 2012
Table of contents
Contents page no.
ABSTRACT
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
LIST OF ACRONYMS
CHAPTER: I
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
1.2 Research problem
1.3 Objective of the Study
1.4 Rational of the Study
1.5 Limitation of the Study
1.6 Organization of the Study
CHAPTER: II
2. LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Women's Participation and Leadership in Conflict
2.2 Community and Ex-female Combatants
2.3 Exploitation and Social Stigmatization
CHEPTER: III
3. METHODOLOGY
3.1 Research Design
3.2 Nature and Source of Data
3.3 Universe and Sampling
3.4 Data Collection Technique
3.4.1 Collection of primary data
3.4 .1.1 In-depth Interview
3.4 .1.2 Key Informant Interview
3.4.2 Collection of Secondary Data
3.5 Data Analysis Technique and Presentation
3.6 Quality Assurance
3.7 Ethical Consideration
CHAPTER IV
4. OPINIONS ON WOMEN COMBATANTS
4.1 The Female Combatant in the Eye of People of Buffer Zones
4.1.1 Focus Group Discussion at Kawaswoti.
4.1.2 Focus Group Discussion at Jargha
4.2 The Maoist Combatants in the View of Social Workers
4.3 The Maoist Women Combatants in the view of Journalist
4.4 The Maoist Combatants in the view of Security Personnel
4.5 The Maoist Women Combatants in the view of Psychologist
CHAPTER V
5. EXPERIENCE ON CONFLICT AND THEIR IMPACT FROM OTHER COUNTIES
5.1 African Continent
5.2 South America
5.3 Caribbean Country
5.4 Europe
5.5 Asia
CHAPTER: VI
6. ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS
6.1 Analysis
6.2 Description of Respondents
6.3 Reasons of being involved in the Combatants
6.4 Social change during stay in cantonment
6.5 Family and Combatants
6.6 Relationship with Community
6.7 Future Plan of Combatant
6.8 Social Transformation and Challenges Ahead
6.9 Psychological Status of Combatants
6.10 Interests of Female Combatant
6.11 Expectation of the Combatants from State
6.12 Social and Reintegration of Women Associated with Armed Forces
6.13 View of Combatant about the Community to be integrated
6.14 Roles of community and family members for integration
CHEPTER: VII
8.CONCLUSION
CHEPTER: VIII
8. RECOMMENDATION
8.1. For community
8.2. For Party UCPN
8.3. For Government
8.4. For INGOs/NGOs
References
Annex 1……………………………………………………………………………………………
Annex 2……………………………………………………………………………………………
List of figure
Figure 1; Map of Nepal
List of Tables
Table 1: The list of the Cantonment and Sub-cantonments
Table 2: Choice of combatants in the re-verification
Table 3: Choice of combatants in the re-verification of final regrouping……………….12
Table 4: Choice of combatants of Nawal Parasi Cantonments in detail…………………12
Table 5: Personal Information of Respondents
Table 6: Duration of Involvement in Maoist Combatants
Table 7: Rank of women combatants in PLA
ABSTRACT
After a decade long conflict, the United Nepal Communist Party-Maoist (UCPN-M) came into peace process. According to Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA), 19,602 Maoist combatants have been confined in seven different cantonments under the supervision of UN peace keeping mission, UNMIN. Among them 20 percent are female. Now the combatants are leaving cantonment soon for integration in to national security force or reintegration into the society. The combatants who spent about 10 years in battle field and 5 years in cantonment are going to start the civilian life into their own society with numerous possibilities and challenges.
This research aims to find out and discover the problems and challenges of female combatant of cantonment for social integration into their community so as to make recommendation to the concerned authorities to reduce the problems of combatants for integration.
International experiences, depicts that in many of the conflict women have been systematically targeted for sexual violence, some time with border political objectives of destroying the people. Women and girls suffer disproportionately from violent conflict. They suffer not only from the by-products of war, but are also targeted as a strategy of war. Women also tend to be sidelined from formal conflict resolution and peace building processes, and post-conflict recovery programs often overlook women’s security needs. This compromises the inclusiveness and sustainability of peace building efforts.
The combatants learned to live in a disciplined way from the life of Maoist armed force to achieve goal and have commitment for the development and positive changes of society. The combatants have lack the education and technical skills for their livelihood and further career. The women have less access to the most of the development programs and opportunities at their community. Lack of confidence for integration is another factor found among the female combatants of the cantonments. High attainment of political awareness without any significant participation in its process seems to be another constraint for their dignified presentation at the community.
The government is identified as the first responsible party for safe settlement of the female combatants into the community and then the Maoist Party in which they involved are seen to be equally accountable for it. Furthermore, social development workers identified the Community Based Organizations (CBO) and donor agencies to create a supportive environment at the community for their integration. There is also lack of women’s participation in the decision making process in higher political level as well as at cantonment or community level, which clearly indicate the inequity and inequality for women combatants.
Lack of education, dominance of traditional patriarchal society, lack of enabling environment for their participation in development activities in the community, meager support from their male counterparts in the cantonment, isolation from their family member, relatives and community members and lack of technical skills for the livelihood opportunities are other identified major problems and challenges for the integration of the female combatants back to their community.
There is a need for promotion and protection of women right with appropriate educational and developmental interventions focusing on main identified factors so that the female combatants can settle their family life in a proper way. To this end the government, political parties, Community Based Organizations (CBO), local bodies and training institutes need to be mobilized at local level and necessary law need to reformed and enforced to protect and establish their right.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
First, I would like to thank Prof. Geeta Pathak Sangroula for her help to choose the subject matter which is one of the hot topics in terms of recent Nepalese context. I am thankful to her valued and continuous supervision, supports and guidance to complete the study. It would not have been possible to complete the work without her support.
Similarly, I am indeed thankful to Asst. Prof. Kapil Aryal and Asst. Prof. Suraj Basnet, for their valuable supports and suggestions from time to time to complete this work.
My special thanks go to Prabha Kaini, PhD., CNAS and Chetana Lokshum, Psychologist/Psychosocial Counselor, Executive Director of The Relief Trust. Similarly I am indebt to my friends Santa Kumar Dangol and Colonel Prem Singh Basnyat, PhD., for their valuable feedbacks and supports in the study.
My sincere thanks also go to Mr. Balbant Yadav for his supports during data collection in the field. Likewise, I would also like to thank to senior and noble journalists Arati Chatout and Kamala Panthi as well as advocate Jyotshana Khanal for sharing their experiences to complete the study.
I would like to thanks to all female combatants, community people of buffer areas, social workers and security personnel for sharing their experiences and information for the study.
I am equally thankful to Superintendent of Police of District Police Office, Nawalparasi for his help to collect the crime related data from different respondents and sources for the study and providing supports for analysis of collected data and security during the time of field work.
Last but not least I would like to offer my deep sense of gratitude to my parents, my wife Saroja Sharma and other family members for their supports and inspiration for the study and hard works.
Ram Kumar Khanal, July, 2012
LIST OF ACRONYMS
AAMA Agreement on Management of Arms and Armies
AIDSAcquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome
CBO Community Based Organization
CBSCentral Bureau of Statistic
CEDAWCommittee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women
CNASCenter for Nepal and Asian Studies
CPA Comprehensive Peace Accord
DDCDistrict Development Committee
DDR Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration
DRC Democratic Republic of Congo
HIV Human immunodeficiency Virus
ICRC Internal Committee of Red Cross
IOM International Organization for Migration
NPC National Planning Commission
PLA People’s Libration Army
PNDDR Programme National de Désarmement, Démobilisation et Réinsertion
SLCSchool Leaving Certificate
SPLASudan People’s Liberation Army
STD Sexually Transmitted Disease
UCPN-M Unified Communist Party Nepal- Maoist
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNDPKOUnited Nations Department of Peace Keeping Operation
UNHCR United Nations High Commission for Refugee
UNICEFUnited Nations International Children's Emergency Fund
UNMIN United Nations Mission in Nepal
VDC Village Development Committee
VMLRs Verified Minors and Late Recruits
1
CHAPTER: I
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
Nepal is a land locked country situated in between China and India which cover 1, 47,181 square km land. Geographically the country has three ecological regions; Terai (foot hills) 17 percent, Hills 68 percent and Mountain/Himalayan 15 percent[1]. Foot hill is the most densely populated areas where more than 48 percent people are living within 17 percent of land of the country[2]. But administratively the country is divided into five development regions, 14 zones, 75 districts (see map), 58 municipalities and 3915 Village development committees (VDC). VDC or municipality is the smallest administrative unit in the country[3]. However, the country is in transitional phase from constitutional monarchy to federal system based on the comprehensive peace accord made on 2007 A.D. between government and UCPN-M[4].
Figure 1; Map of Nepal
Source:
In 2010 A.D., it has estimated population of 28 million with almost equal male and female. Population growth rate is 2.25 percent per annum[5]. Young people less than 15 years make up almost 40 percent of the population[6]. Majority of people are living in rural areas (86%) with subsistence economy based on agriculture[7].
A.Socio-economic Condition
Nepal is one of the least developed countries in the world, which is in 138th position in the human development index[8]. More than 25 percent (25.4%) of the people are under the poverty line. However, the poverty is concentrated more in rural and mountainous areas of the country (NPC, 2010). Gross domestic income per capita is $ 440 and life expectancy at birth is 67 years. Approximately 59 percent adult people can read and write the national language, however, female literacy is quite low in comparison to men[9].
While analyzing the poverty situation in relation to the sex of the household head, it is very important to view and define the head of the household. In a recent SAARC poverty profile1, section in Nepal reports that poverty in female-headed households in 2003/04 AD has reduced by 43% compared to that of 1995/96 AD. So, it concludes, “Unlike the general belief, poverty apparently seems to be not affected by gender disparities; rather the opposite seems to be true when poverty levels of male and female headed households are taken into account[10]”.
As depicted by Census 2001 A.D., women comprise 50 percent of the total population of Nepal (I. e., 23,151,423). Nonetheless, women in Nepal are not homogeneous. Because of ecological and socio-cultural diversity, intersectional ties affect the restraints and opportunities of women in terms of the ecology (Mountain, Hill and Terai Plain), class, caste/ethnicity, religion, local of residence (urban/rural) and the development region. Notwithstanding this diversity, the treatment of women as a category of gender by existing patriarchal society which plays a pivotal role in the general status of the “exclusion of women” and the present status of their undeveloped capability[11].
B.Background of Conflict in Nepal
- Nepal before 1950 A.D.
From the early 19th century, ‘isolation’ became the main principle of the then government, where most of the Nepali people knew of no other existence besides their own. The overall policies were governed by strict Hindu caste laws (The Nepalese caste system is a social institution, deriving sanctions from and intimately interwoven with the Hindu religion. The caste stratification is based on “Chaturvarn” doctrine and division of work theory as Brahmins, Chettris, Vaishyas and Shudras. “Varn” means color and denotes a racial significance) codified by the rulers in Muluki Ain (Law of land) in 1854. The Muluki Ain is based on the Hindu concept of ritual purity, regulated the lives of the people and put restrictions on their social and political mobility. In totality, the policy of isolation and Muluki Ain were the then government’s two crucial pillars for conservatism. Nepal’s modern period principally only started after 1950A.D, where the Rana regime (Since 1846, the prime minister of Nepal had monopolized political power in Nepal and kept the monarch as a mere symbolic head of state) came to an end with the early 1950s revolution[12].
- Panchayat Regime
In 1960 A.D., King Mahendra introduced Panchayat system in the country claiming most appropriate political system for the country, overthrowing government lead by Nepali congress. It was blamed that Congress government had fostered corruption, promoted party above national interest, failed to maintain law and order and ‘encouraged anti-national elements’. Political parties banned and all prominent political figures, including the Prime Minister were put behind bars to suppress their political activities[13].
King Mahendra, then, started his political exercise through the Panchayat Political system, where all political parties were banned, who also have promulgated a constitution of the county with advises of the few pro royalist in December 1962 A.D. In the constitution, the direct and active roles of the King and banning of political parties were formalized. All executive, legislative and judicial powers were taken by the King on his own and also remained above the constitution of the country[14].
During the regime, Nepalese people were forced to speak Nepali language disregard of their mother tongues and interests. Nepali language was implemented as official language throughout the country. Local language and culture of different ethnic groups were undermined and did not pay attention for their preservation and development. In addition, the King also reinforced Hinduism as the state religion; and declared a Hindu Kingdom and other religions were viewed as part of it. Constitution, law, and policies were all formulated based on Hinduism. Ethnic issues were forbidden to be raised and developed. No political freedom was allowed to anybody or institution out of Panchayat philosophy. Press freedom and right to expression of view were strictly prohibited and encouraged hierarchical feudalistic society with centralization of power and resources in Royal Palace[15].
- The People's Movement (1990)A.D. and its Failed Promises
The Panchayat System was overthrown in 1990 A.D. by the movement of the people and multiparty parliamentary system was re-introduced in the country. The movement took place which was popularly known as the People’s Movement 'Jana-Andolan I'. The movement abolished the feudalistic monarchy system, displacing it with constitutional monarchy. The goal of the people's movement was not only for a democratic government but also for social change and economic development of the country. However, there was nothing changes in the lives of people qualitatively. People had high expectations of positive reforms and better policies for all the communities and groups after the democratic government came into power. Alas, nothing of this sort happened in the country. Nepali Congress ruled the country for about 11 years out of 13 years. For rest of the times there were there were two coalition governments of political parties and once CPN- UML’s nine months government. However, none of the political parties or government could manage to solve the problems of people. It was shown that leaders of the political parties and high government official were engaged in the high level of corruption. The Party had participated in the first democratic parliamentary elections in 1991A.D. however; it had decided to follow a different path to their goal by 1994 A.D[16]
- The beginning of Insurgency
In February 1996 A.D., the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) declared the start of a ‘People’s War’ Called “Sisne-Jaljala Abhiyan” in remote Mid Western Part’s district Rolpa and Rukum of Nepal. The peoples were the Maoist followed the principle of the Mao Tse-tung and drew more recent experiences in Asia and Latin America (notably of the ‘Shining Path’ movement in Peru)[17]. Pointing to the failure of the new regime instituted following the People’s Movement and of successive governments since 1990 the war was started to bring genuine democracy and broad based development to the people of Nepal. They argued that only a revolutionary armed struggle could create the basis to overthrow and replacement of the corrupt and inadequate ruling classes by a popular democratic republic representing the workers and peasants of the country. Their initial stated objectives were to depose the feudalistic-capitalist class and state system, to uproot semi-feudalism and to drive out imperialism with a view to building a new socialist society. The declaration of People’s War in 1996 received remarkably little attention. The police was dispatched to deal with what was perceived as a law and order question for several years. During Operation Romeo and the later Operation Kilo Sierra II, however, the police was particularly violent and even barbaric in operations in the mid western hill, where they treated everyone as potential Maoist and many people were arrested in connection with Maoist, ill-treated, tortured, killed, sexually abused and raped indiscriminately[18].
The police actions resulted in a substantial proportion of the local people joining and supporting the Maoists. The Maoists identified the weakness and fault-lines of the Nepali society and used them to their advantage to scale up the war. The Maoist used the feelings of discrimination, and exclusion of the Dalits, the indigenous, and Madhesi people in getting supports to their war by giving the attractive slogan of social inclusion. They also raised the issues that they will overthrown the monopoly of the urban based administrative system from the country to established more democratic system of the people where each every groups of the people will have share based on their capacity and presence. In addition, they also promised for the land revolution once they get the power[19].