1

Einführung in die Phonetik und PhonologieWS 2007/8

John Rennison

Handout zur Rektionsphonologie

A. Eine erste Annäherung

(1) / Element / Position / als Haupt / als Operator
I / C / j-Gleitlaut/Approximant / palatal
V / “I” (vorne) / vorne
U / C / w-Gleitlaut/Approximant / labial, “dark”
V / “U” (gerundet) / gerundet
A / V / “A” (nicht-hoch) / “A” (nicht-hoch)
ATR / V / ATR / ATR

(2)Akan vowel harmony (Clements, 1981). Vowel system: +ATR /i,e,A,o,u/, –ATR /I,E,a,O,U/.

ATR,A lineAAA

skeletonV-CVCV-V

OkasaI

‘he spoke (it)’

ATR,A lineAATR

skeletonV-CVCV-V

ofitii

‘he pierced (it)’

ATR,A lineAATRA

skeletonV-CVCV-V

obisaI

‘he asked (it)’

ATR,A lineAAATR

skeletonV-CVCV-V

OkArii

‘he weighed (it)’

(3)Nyangumarda vowel harmony: the normal case (Hoard & O'Grady, 1976; McKelson, [no date]; O'Grady, 1974-75)

Transcription: y is IPA [j], j is IPA [dZ], ng is [9g]. Vowel system: /i, u, a/. NB: These are the full GP representations of the vowels.

I,U,A lineUU

skeletonCVCCVCVCVCV

kulpu-lumu-rnu

returnfutureI

‘I will return’

I,U,A lineAA

skeletonCVCVCVCVCV

kaja-lama-rna (lexically: /kaja-lVpV-nrV/)

sitfutureI

‘I will sit’

I,U,A lineI

skeletonCVCVCVCV

ji-limi-rni (lexically: /ji-lVpV-nrV/)

dofutureI

‘I will do’

Observation: Some vowels are constant (e.g. in verb stems), others can be i, u or a by vowel harmony. No vowel ever alternates between just 2 qualities (i/u, u/a or i/u). Conclusion: the harmonising vowels are lexically empty.

(4)Nyangumarda vowel harmony: always triggered by the last vowel of the root

I,U,A lineUA

skeletonCVCCVCVCVCV

yurpa-lama-rna (lexically: /yurpa-lVpV-nrV/)

rubfutureI

‘I will rub’

I,U,A line*UA

skeletonCVCCVCVCVCV

*y*urpa-lumu-rnu

‘I will rub’

Analogously:kalku-lumu-rnu but not *kalku-lama-rna ‘care for’, and
kutapi-limi-rni but not *kutapi-lama-rna or *kutapi-lumu-rnu ‘cut (wood)’

(5)Nyangumarda vowel harmony: blocked by any lexical vowel; a new harmony domain can start with any lexical vowel. (The ringed vowel is deleted by apocopy; long vowels are forbidden.)

I,U,A lineAUAU

skeletonCVCCVCVCVCVVCV

wantu-luma-rna-angu

stayfutureIto-you

‘I will stay next to you’(lex.: /wantu-lVpV-rnV-angu/)

I,U,A lineAUAI(I)

skeletonCVCCVCVCVCVCVCVCV

yunku-luma-rna-jani-nyi

stayfutureIthemfor-us

‘I will give them for us (pl.incl.)’(lex.: /yunku-lVmV-rnV-janV-inyi/ or /...V/)

(6)The vowels of Mòoré according to Raphaël Kabore (1994)

Lexical oral / Phonetic oral / Lexical nasal / Phonetic nasal
i u / i u / i$ u% / i$ u%
I U / I U / I$ U% / I$ U%
e o / e o / e% o%
E O / E% O%
a / a / a% / a%
1(A)1 / 1(A%)[1]

(7)A possible GP representation of the vowels of Mòoré (from Rennison, 1988, 1992)

ATRlineATRATRATRATRATR

AlineAAAAAA

I,UlineIIIIUUUU

skeletonxxxxxxxxxx

vowelieIEAaOUou

(orthographiciIeEaaOoU)u)

(8)ATR harmony (analysis from Rennison, 1992). The first three words harmonize, the last does not (ATR is blocked by the A element)

ATR,AlineATRATRAATRATRA

I,UlineIIIIUII

skeletonxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

transcriptionligdibiigAmiidusegrI

(9)U and A umlaut in Ouagadougou

ATR,AlineAAATR AA

I,UlineUUUII

ONline[2] ONONONONONONONO N

skeletonxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

transcriptionkwaagarOOgUboosItEEga

(10)U and A umlaut in Ouahigouya (thicker lines are associations which are not permitted in Ouagadougou)

ATR,AlineAAATR AA

I,UlineUUUII

ONlineONONONONONONONON

skeletonxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

transcriptionkOOgarawwgOboosEtEEga

(11)A-umlaut originating from e in Ouahigouya

ATR,AlineAATR

I,UlineII

skeletonxxxxx

transcriptionvEnde

(12)Failure of A-umlaut originating from I in Ouagadougou

ATR,AlineATRA

I,UlineII

skeletonxxxxx

transcriptionvInde

(13)Frage: Wie funktioniert nun der I-Umlaut im heutigen Deutschen? Wie hat er anfangs (im Althochdeutschen oder davor) funktioniert?

B. Die Weiterentwicklung der Elemente

(14)Eine weitere Verfeinerung der Elemente (old = KLV89, new = Rennison & Neubarth 2003). Das Haupt steht jeweils rechts (old) bzw. links (new) und ist unterstrichen.

element / articulatory correlates / acoustic correlates
old / new
I / I / palatal / dIp* (formant structure)
U / U / labial / rUmp* (formant structure)
R / R / coronal / (formant structure)
H / H / high tone / voiceless / high F0
L / L / low tone / voiced / lower F0
N / L (head) / nasal / nasal formant
? / F (head of O) / stop / (almost) silence
h / F (operator of O) / aspiration / friction / noise
A / F (head of N) / non-high tongue body / mAss* (formant structure)
ATR / F (operator of N) / advanced tongue root / formant structure
consonant / old / new / vowel / old / new
p or ph / (h,H,?,U) / (F,HU) / E / (I,A,e) / (F,I)
t or th / (h,H,?,R) / (F,HR) / a / (A) / (F)
korkh / (h,H,?,e) / (F,H) / O / (A,U,e) / (F,U)
por b / (?,U) / (F,U)
t or d / (?,R) / (F,R) / E / (I,A) / [keine Entsprechung]
kor g / (?,e) / (F) / O / (U,A) / [keine Entsprechung]
consonant / old / new / consonant / old / new
b / (L,h,?,U) / (F,LU) / m / (L,?,N,U) / (LU)
d / (L,h,?,R) / (F,LR) / n / (L,?,N,R) / (LR)
g / (L,h,?,e) / (F,L) / ŋ / (L,?,N,e) / (L)
consonant / old / new / vowel / old / new
? / (?) / ( ) / 7 / (A,_), (_), ( )? / ( )
consonant / old / new / consonant / old / new
f / (h,U) / (F,FU) / S / (I,h,R) / (FF,RI)
s / (h,R) / (F,FR) / ç / (h,I) / (FF,I)
vowel / old / new / vowel / old / new
i / (I) / (I,F) / I / (I,_) / (I)
e / (A,I) / (F,FI) / E / (I,A,_) / (F,I)
A / (A) ? / (F,F) / a / (A._) / (F)
o / (A,U) / (F,FU) / O / (A,U,_) / (F,U)
u / (U) / (U,F) / U / (U,e) / (U)

(15)Lazy elements (for contour segments and some branching onsets)

Contour type / Melody(relevant part only)
Complex onset / C(obstr.)r / (FR,..)
C(obstr.)l / (FR,..U+I+)
Palatalised / Cj / (..I)
Labialised / Cw / (..U)
Affricate / C(stop→fricative) / (..,F+) or (FH,..)
Diphthong / /aI/ / (F,I+)
/aU/ / (F,U+)
/OI/ / (F,U–I+)

References

Clements, George N. 1981. Akan vowel harmony. A nonlinear analysis. In Harvard Studies in Phonology 2, ed. George N. Clements, 108-177. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Linguistics Club.

Hoard, James E. & Geoffrey N. O'Grady. 1976. Nyangumarda phonology: a preliminary report. In Grammatical Categories in Australian Languages, ed. Robert M. W. Dixon, 51-77. New Jersey: Humanities Press.

Kabore, Raphaël. 1994. La nasalité en Mòoré. Linguistique Africaine 13: 5-60.

McKelson, Kevin R. [no date]. Topical Vocabulary in Northern Nyangumarta. Ms., Aboriginal Studies Electronic Data Archive, document 0017. Canberra.

O'Grady, Geoffrey N. 1974-75. Lecture handouts and notes on Nyangumarda. Ms. Dept. of Linguistics, University of Salzburg.

Rennison, John R. 1988. Tridirectional autosegmental phonology and the PC. Habilitationsschrift, Universität Wien.

Rennison, John R. 1992. Welche Vokale hatte das Proto Gur? Überlegungen anhand der Vokalharmonie und Vokalassimilation im Koromfe und Mòoré. In Komparative Afrikanistik. Sprach-, geschichts- und literaturwissenschaftliche Aufsätze zu Ehren von Hans G. Mukarovsky anläßlich seines 70. Geburtstags, eds. Erwin Ebermann, Erich R. Sommerauer & Karl É. Thomanek. Wien: Institut für Afrikanistik.

[1]This vowel appears in Kabore’s transcriptions, but is missing in other parts of his article. Generally, this vowel is ignored by other authors. In northern Mòoré it is apparently phonetically [o].

[2]The ON-line is added for clarity in this and the next diagram only. In all others it can easily deduced from the association lines.