The winds of change: Sustainable livelihoods and food security in cassava farming systems in Malawi[1]
Linley Chiwona-Karltun[2], Division for International Health Research (IHCAR),
Department of Public Health Sciences, Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm, Sweden
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Jonathan Mkumbira, Bvumbwe Agricultural Research Station, Limbe, Malawi
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Summary
In this paper, we describe contemporary change of cassava farming systems in two districts, Nkhata-Bay in the North and Mulanje in the South of Malawi. In both districts farmers stated that due to declining soil fertility diminished access to new land, the fickle rain patterns, and the ability of bitter cultivars to yield under such circumstances, were the most important factors in the choice of a cultivar. Most importantly, theft of crops had become a major factor in the selection of the type of cultivars to grow. It is more economic for farmers to grow cassava with the intent to sell and thus acquire the preferred staple crop maize. Bitter and toxic cultivars were preferred because they provided protection against theft; they have to be sufficiently processed before consumption, a chore almost exclusively performed by women. Thievery of crops in general was especially associated with the fields of lone women or female headed households that did not have any form of socially recognized male companionship. Theft of crops is a delicate topic to discuss and our research attempts to shed some light on this area.
The paper concludes by discussing the construct of the very and its negative impact on food security, the implications on food safety and food production especially in the context of women-headed households and resource-poor small-scale farmers.
Introduction
Malawi is among the world’s poorest countries, with a per capital income of US$ 187. It simultaneously, and somewhat perversely – suffers from an extremely skewed distribution of income, with a Gini coefficient of 0.57, the highest recorded in Sub-Saharan Africa and only second to that of Brazil (World Bank 1995; UNDP 1999). Poverty in Malawi is deeply rooted in economic and social structures. Agriculture accounts for 35% of GDP, more than 90% exchange foreign earnings and provides paid and self-employment to the 92% of the population that is rural. Tobacco dominates the economy and accounts for 30% GDP and 70% of domestic exports[3].
The Malawian scenario is slowly moving closer to that of South Asia. Today, the lack of farming land is fast becoming an issue partly because: 1) the population is increasingly becoming less dependent on subsistence agriculture; 2) urbanization; 3) price shocks in fertilizer and maize markets; and 4) the collapse of the estate system means that the poor are ejected share coppers from access to livelihoods. This exacerbates food security, especially for the poorest[4][5][6].
The male population in rural Malawi continues to decline rapidly, while the female population remains relatively stable[7]. It decreased by 21.8% between 1970 and 1990, over the same period while the rural female population declined by only 5.4%[8]. This has implications for the sustainability of livelihoods since many households have become female-headed. Studies have shown that such families are younger, less educated, have more dependents, have lower formal employment skills and are less traveled than their male counterparts[9][10].
Women in Malawi have been described as some of the most under privileged in southern Africa. More than half of the families headed by women do not have their basic needs met and the situation is exacerbated for married women whose husbands live away in towns or work elsewhere as migrant workers. Such families are actually poorer than families in which women are not married. Women have but a very modest chance of enhancing their situation since more than 60% are illiterate and besides that, their access to land and other resources is highly limited. Women are also met with strong social and cultural barriers and this makes it important to understand the multi-fold role of women in agriculture.
Cassava
The starchy roots of cassava (Manihot esculenta Crantz) is the staple food of over 400 million people, half of whom live in Sub-Saharan Africa[11] Cassava has gained its importance due to its ability to yield well especially under adverse environmental conditions. The roots and leaves contain varying amounts of two cyanogenic glucosides, mainly linamarin. Both genetic and environmental factors concurrently determine the glucoside levels in the roots and high glucoside levels are associated with bitterness[12]. Raw roots from cultivars that provide non-bitter roots are eaten fresh or boiled, whereas the high level of cyanogenic glucosides in roots from bitter cultivars must be reduced by processing to be edible. Processing improves shelf life, reduces bulk and transport costs and improves palatability of the prepared dishes. In Africa, labour intensive cassava processing is predominantly done by women[13]. Disintegration of the plant cells by fermentation brings the glucosides into contact with an endogenous glucosides that breaks the glucosides down to cyanohydrins[14] in the consumed products. These in turn decompose to the volatile hydrogen cyanide that dissolves in water or evaporates into the air during drying or cooking. Interruption of the processing sequence may result in high amounts of residual cyanogens in consumed products and hence dietary cyanide exposure.
Dietary cyanide exposure from the consumption of ineffective processed cassava may result in acute poisoning and it is implicated as a causal factor in some other toxico-nutritional disease[15]. However, these diseases have been reported from rural communities only suffering concomitant severe food insecurity and malnutrition. The high dietary cyanide intake results from short cuts in cassava processing induced by food shortage, labour time pressure, adverse weather conditions or distress sales.
In areas where cassava is the main staple crop the farmers appear to preferentially grow cultivars that produce roots that are both bitter and toxic[16]. Paradoxically, even populations that have suffered acute toxic effects from cassava, seem to favour bitter and toxic cultivars, although non-toxic cultivars are locally available. We hypothesise they must have good reasons for preferring bitter and toxic cassava cultivars given that their use obliges adherence to laborious processing methods to avoid acute poisoning. Qualitative interview studies in Tanzania[17] and Malawi[18][19] indicate that cassava farmers regard the bitterness and toxicity of roots as protecting their cassava crop against theft, spoilage by animals and unplanned harvesting by family members. However, to our knowledge, the rationale for preferring bitter and toxic cassava cultivars among farmers in Africa has not been carefully studies. Yet, such preferences would have profound implications for breeding and agricultural extension services for one of the major food crops in Africa. Two very important reports have emerged with a specific focus on roots and tubers in a global perspective. Namely; Roots and Tubers for the 21st Century-trends, projections and policy options[20] and Transforming Cassava from a Traditional Root Crop to industrial development especially in Africa[21].
Cassava farming in Malawi
Both Nkhata-Bay in the northern region and Mulanje in the sourthern region district, have water available throughout the year for the soaking of cassava roots. Cassava cultivars are classified locally into two groups: ‘bitter’ roots need to be processed before consumption whereas roots from ‘cool’ cultivars can be eaten fresh or boiled, as is predominantly done in the urban areas. For the farmers intoxication was not a problem per se because they could effectively process the toxic roots.
Cassava is the second most important staple crop after maize in Malawi. Along the lakeshore, especially the Nkhata-Bay district in the north, cassava occupies more than 70% of the cultivated land. It is the main staple food for at least 40% of the population and a supplementary food for many urban residents. In the south as Mulanje district, cassava plays a primary role when maize stores are empty. In the past, cassava has been seen as contributing little to the economy and has therefore not received much attention when agricultural research and extension priorities have been set. The main focus has been on maize, that is perceived to be the main staple food of Malawi, but perceptions are changing, particularly since the cassava mealy bug outbreak in the 1980’s. Not only did the outbreak cause a loss of and change in the mix of cassava cultivars planted it also encouraged increased government support for cassava farming.
It is within this context that crops that are hardy in drought periods, with reasonable yield, minimal purchased inputs and that are less susceptible to theft and pest destruction are seen as a solution to the multifaceted problems facing the small-scale farmer in Malawi. Cassava, in particular bitter and toxic cultivars, is a crop that many small-scale farmers are relying on more and more for their basic survival. In the urban areas cassava has become a major supplier of food energy in the form of snacks and breakfast meals.
Methods
A total of 59 key informants comprising mainly male agricultural extension staff, chiefs, male and female cassava farmers and knowledgeable elderly women and men were the first source of primary data collection in each area. The cassava farmers and the elderly informants were identified as especially knowledgeable by a process of peer identification. Participant observation, 16 in-depth interviews, as well as 24 focus group discussions, were thereafter conducted to elucidate the range of knowledge, practices, attitudes and belief[22][23] related to cassava cultivation, processing and consumption, and preferences among cassava cultivars. By fostering interaction among the group members, spontaneous discussions around cassava preferences were highlighted.
More controlled qualitative interviews using a semi-structured procedure based on a checklist of topics, were also conducted across a sample of households. In the first instance a household with not less than 0.2 ha of farming land was defined as a farming household in accordance with the local extension worker’s (FA’s) register of farmers. The farmers were then selected together with the respective Field Assistant, to represent both male and female headed households with different socio-economic status. Non-registered families, those not included on the FA’s register of farmers, cultivating less than 0.2 ha were later also included. Special emphasis was placed on interviewing women since they are responsible for most of the farming and food processing. The interviews were carried out in the local languages Tonga, Tumbuka and Chichewa, and a few in English when the interviewees so preferred.
Notes were taken during a directly after all discussions, interviews and observations. In addition, all interviews were audio-recorded and six were video-recorded. Field notes and recorded interviews were transcribed into English. The video-recorded interviews were also transcribed into English and incorporated into the classified salient themes. The translated texts were classified into salient themes according to content using manual sorting the studies were conducted during the low agricultural activity season that is July – September between 1994 – 1997.
The significance of cassava in Malawi
The main findings of these studies are: 1) farmers have an elaborate knowledge of the cassava cultivars that they grow and bitter taste is used as an indicator for toxicity. 2) Farmers consider ‘bitter’ and ‘cool’ cassava to be two different crops as they have two very distinct roles in the farming and food system. 3) Of utmost importance, farmers prefer bitter and toxic cultivars because they protect against theft, and animal destruction and provide overall food security for families, in particular female-headed households.
Reason for preferring bitter cassava
Cassava cyanogenesis is perceived as favourable for food security. Almost all the women stated that protection against theft and animal destruction were very important reasons for preferring to grow ‘bitter’ as a staple crop. An earlier questionnaire based interview study in six African countries[24] concluded that farmers mainly prefer bitter cassava cultivars due to the favourable flavour and texture of the end products. Enhanced food security was not reported as a reason for preferring to grow bitter cultivars. Sensitive issues like theft might have been missed in this research relating to the methodology used. A positive impact of cyanogenesis on food security in Tanzania has been reported when qualitative interview methods were used.
A study in Mozambique[25] found that farmers, due to attacks by monkeys, preferred to grow bitter and toxic cassava cultivars; cyanogenesis reduced the crop loss. Yet none the less, the study authors suggested promotion of cultivars with low cyanogenic potential to potential to prevent dietary cyanogens exposure. However, we suggest on the basis of our study that acyanogenic cultivars will not be accepted as the staple crop among food-insecure cassava growing populations. The cassava root, being a storage organ, differs in several respects from the other staple crops. A cassava root can be stored in the ground for months or years and the roots are available during the dry period of the year when no other plant yields starchy roots or seeds. These characteristics of cassava contribute to its importance for food security but potentially greatly increase the risk of theft by humans and animals.
We find that food-insecure cassava farmers have good reasons to prefer bitter and toxic cultivars. The most efficient way to prevent dietary cyanogens exposure may be to promote compliance with traditional methods. Modest innovations such as graters that have been introduced in Brazil, Nigeria or Uganda, or the introduction of mechanical milling, chip making, are all effective in ensuring that the roots are well processed[26].
We are not aware of other reports that show bitterness of cassava roots as a deterrent to family members’ “unplanned” harvesting or as a means of empowering women to control households food security. As other studies show women farmers base selection of varieties on many more factors than yield[27][28]. Taking women’s needs and knowledge of indigenous farming systems into account is productive in the development of farming technology.
Product quality
A few women in our study mentioned end-product quality as a major reason for preferring ‘bitter’ cultivars. That better flour quality is attributed to bitter cultivars has been mentioned in other studies[29]. This is especially so in the southern district Mulanje where sun drying is the main mode of processing bitter high dry roots regarded as most desirable. Nothing in our study suggests that cassava cyanogenesis per se contributes to end-products quality. There is a need to study this point further. Preliminary data from Brazil lends support to the perception that flour produced from bitter cassava roots has different characteristics from the non-bitter.