On February 9, 1950 Senator Joseph Mccarthy from Wisconsin Gave a Speech at the Mclure

McCarthyism in Nebraska

On February 9, 1950 Senator Joseph McCarthy from Wisconsin gave a speech at the McLure Hotel in Wheeling, West Virginia. In that speech, Senator McCarthy talked about the current Cold War involving the United States and Russia that had been rising since World War II. After briefly discussing the Cold War, he made his infamous accusation that he held a list of 205 names of people working in the State Department that were members of the Communist party. This accusation gave way to a time of confusion and fear throughout the United States, infiltrating the political views of many Americans. Throughout the mid 1900’s, Senator Joseph McCarthy and his ideas of Communism largely affected politics in Nebraska, shaping the way many Nebraskans viewed significant political ideas.[1]

It was during 1919 and 1920 that America encountered its first mass fear of Communism known as the Red Scare. This Red Scare was the result of increased suspicion of Communists infiltrating the United States and seizing power, similar to that of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia. Radical Americans, especially those who took part in strikes, were labeled Communists and the problems of the country were blamed on them. When the Great Depression hit the United States in 1929, it was a general consensus that loyal Americans could not be responsible. That placed the blame on the anti-capitalistic Communists. The first undisruptive out lash of blame increased, ultimately turning into blatant hunting. [2]

Hunting for Communists changed into hunting for Nazis in America when Adolf Hitler rose to power in Germany in 1933. Congress investigated the hunting, concluding that there should be a committee designated to investigate people and organizations that were taking part in un-American propaganda. The Omaha World Herald had done studies on Congressional spending to find that money towards investigations by numerous different offices had risen by more than one million dollars in ten years. The study noted that the Constitution does not prevent Congressional investigation, but it puts limits on the way it can be used. This act of pulling Congress into the mess is a demonstration on the power the Red Scare had on politics. In 1938, the House Committee on Un-American Activities, HUAC, was created. In 1945 Congress voted to make this committee a permanent one. It was the HUAC that gave way to many methods Senator Joseph McCarthy picked up as a Senator during Roosevelt’s Administration and would use in his hunt for Communists in America during the 1950s. [3]

In August, 1948, the HUAC heard a testimony from Whittaker Chambers, Time magazine’s editor, who claimed to know eight former government officials that belonged to his cell of the Communist Party. Of the eight names given by Chambers, Alger Hiss was the most famous. An honorable man, Hiss had once worked in high positions at the State Department. Chambers was able to provide enough information to the HAUC that Hiss was found guilty of having spied for the Communists in January, 1950. Around the same time, Senator Taft suggested that the State Department had been influenced by a leftist group to give China up to Communists. With these two pieces of evidence, Americans felt that they were being betrayed and that Communists were beginning to overtake the government. It was during this second Red Scare, five years after the end of World War II, that Senator McCarthy revealed to the people in Wheeling, West Virginia that he had a list of names of people in the government who were sympathetic to or were Communists.[4]

When the United States joined World War II, Joseph Raymond McCarthy was young enough to serve in the armed forces, but his status as a circuit judge in Wisconsin exempted him from serving. Knowing that the military experience would boost his reputation and appeal for Senator, McCarthy decided to request a commission in the Marine Corps. He was sworn in as first lieutenant. He was a captain when he became the intelligence officer for a dive-bomber squadron. As the intelligence officer, McCarthy’s job included briefing pilots before their flights, interrogating them when they returned, and preparing intelligence reports.[5]

During his time serving as intelligence officer in the South Pacific, McCarthy managed to suffer two accidental injuries but he transformed them into war-related injuries which could display his heroism. Besides his injuries, McCarthy was able to provide Wisconsin with photographic proof of his so-called duties abroad. Before missions, McCarthy would pose for pictures in the cockpit of planes, wearing the necessary gear of a pilot of rear gunner and eventually was able to sit in the rear gunner position during real missions. The pictures were sent to the Wisconsin newspapers where the press created the image of “Tail Gunner Joe.” [6]

When McCarthy returned from war in 1945 with stories that he had never really lived through, he was easily reelected as a circuit court judge. He spent the months he served as judge planning his next Senatorial race. With his lack of legislative experience, McCarthy campaigned by spreading literature and speaking to as many people as he could. His stands on issues were weak and influenced by the people he wanted to win over. McCarthy won the primary by a slight majority but he won the Senatorial seat easily against his Democratic opponent. During his first years in Congress, Senator McCarthy took on important issues with a resiliency that helped build a reputation for himself, showing many Senators his quick wit and harsh temper that were powerful when unleashed. To build a more respectable reputation, Senator McCarthy took on an issue that was popular to many Americans as well as being a serious political issue. That issue was Communism. [7]

There are several stories of how Senator McCarthy came across the issue of Communism. One story tells of a dinner party in 1950 where Senator McCarthy and friends plotted a way to sweep him into an easy reelection in 1952. Anther story tells of an intelligence officer who found McCarthy after trying a few other Senators. He had disturbing information regarding Communism in America that had gone uninvestigated for two years. Whatever the story, Senator McCarthy began his crusade against Communism with a drive and commitment that many Americans had been waiting for. His enthusiasm penetrated the political opinions of many Americans, including those in Nebraska. [8]

Nebraska was created in 1854 as part of the Kansas-Nebraska Act. It was officially made a state in 1867. Originally, Nebraska was a Republican state in every way. The capital was named Lincoln after the famous Republican President and Republican candidates were selected to serve the people from the local to the national level. Only a few years after it was granted statehood, Nebraska began having agricultural problems which led people away from Republican ideas and closer to Populist ideas.[9]

When Populism began to spread in Nebraska, both the Republican Party and the Democratic Party were forced to reevaluate their positions. By the late 1800s, the Populist Party was fading out of Nebraska as well as the rest of America. The Republican Party regained control in Nebraska but both the Republican Party and the Democratic Party had made changes to the parties that Nebraska had turned its back on just several years before.[10]

Both parties held strong anti-railroad and anti-corporation positions, echoing the wants of Nebraskans. Until 1920, Nebraskans would flip-flop their votes from Republican to Democratic and then back again. The parties were dealing with the growing divisions within themselves while trying to maintain control in the state by appealing to the voters.[11]

Throughout the 1920s, Republicans held most of the offices in Nebraska. As a whole, Nebraskans were against American involvement in European problems. Democrats had their turn in congressional districts that faced agricultural problems. When the depression set in, Nebraskans turned to Democratic candidates for help. They held control of most offices until 1938 when Republicans began to revive themselves. By 1940, Republicans had regained superiority in Nebraska giving way to popularity of the new Senator, Hugh Butler.[12]

Hugh Butler’s first real involvement with politics came in 1929 and 1930 while he served as president of the Omaha Grain Exchange. The Omaha Grain Exchange was against the Federal Farm Board and their ideas of government regulation of grain. Gaining fame through his vocal oppositions, Butler was elected president of the Grain and Feed Dealers’ National Association in 1930. During his service to both parties, Butler’s interest in local and national issues increased. The event that cemented his interest in politics was a speech given by John B. Maling to the Omaha Rotary Club. Maling declared that socialism and communism were infiltrating every industry in Nebraska and he called for businessmen to prevent the spreading of it.[13]

Butler became heavily involved with the Republican Party in Nebraska after the 1932 elections. By 1936, his involvement in the party was widely known and he was elected to the position of Republican National Committeeman for Nebraska after the retirement of Charles A. McCloud. With the Party splitting, Butler worked hard to create a solid party organization while building an even better reputation.[14]

The 1936 elections found Butler and his Republican supporters in opposition of reelecting both President Roosevelt and Nebraskan Senator Norris. By 1938, it was clear that Nebraska was becoming more Republican. Butler felt that an anti-New Dealer might be victorious in the upcoming 1940 Senate race because Nebraskans felt the New Deal was too liberal and almost pro-Communist. After a careful evaluation of voter trends and successful elimination of his highest competitors, Butler decided to announce his candidacy for the Senate on June 14, 1939.[15]

With five names on the Republican primary ballot, it was clear that the two front runners were Butler, backed by the conservatives, and former Governor Weaver, backed by the progressives. Both candidates supported similar ideas. Butler wanted more rights and freedoms for farmers and stressed economy in the government. He also opposed American involvement in European fights. Weaver held similar stands.[16]

On the local level, it was clear that Butler had organized a very successful political campaign. He organized committees and relied on key people in every part of the state with the responsibility of distributing literature and information regarding Butler’s stands. He was always careful to answer questions and write letters in an optimistic tone. His background served as a valuable tool because he appealed to many voters.[17]

Immediately following his election of Republican candidate for Senate, Butler began campaigning for the fall election. He used the same tactics as in the primary race. Butler appealed to the agricultural population of Nebraska, concentrating on the problems of the farmers, by introducing proposals for helping agriculture. Governor Cochran’s campaign involved the support of the New Deal’s agriculture program. Both candidates, again, were against war in Europe.[18]

Senator Butler was elected to the Senate in 1940 with the support of 84 out of 93 counties in Nebraska. The main reason for his election was the move of Nebraskan voters back to their traditional Republican ways. The Nebraskan Republican party was growing back together while the Democratic Party continued to split. While the trend in voting helped Senator Butler win the race in 1940, his win can largely be attributed to his greatly organized campaign. Once in office, Senator Butler would remain a loyal Republican in the Senate until his death in 1954.[19]

While in the Senate, Senator Butler built himself a reputation as a conservative Republican who was against the New Deal and Fair Deal experimentation. It was felt by many throughout America that the New Deal was pro-Communist. Senator Butler was also against the growth of the government and believed that there needed to be economy in the government. Being from Nebraska and heavily involved in agriculture, Senator Butler was an ardent supporter of any price supports for agriculture and any programs involving irrigation. As far as his stand on foreign policy, Senator Butler was against any American involvement in European affairs except when the direct defense of the United States was vital.[20]

These stands remained fairly the same from the moment he became Senator until his death. He felt that the United States needed a strong defense but he opposed legislature and programs that might lead the United States to an involvement in European war. The spread of Communism needed to be stopped but without an American war in Europe. Senator Butler was also part of the Aiken Statement, which was sent to the President, suggesting that there were members of the President’s cabinet who were leading the United States to war without the consent of Congress.[21]

During his second term, Senator Butler began to speak out against the State Department. He felt that it was not right of our government to be fighting against Communism in a cold war with Europe while we were neglecting the Chinese Nationalists who were fighting a hot war against Communism. His disagreement with the State Department became more evident when he attacked the Secretary of State, Dean Acheson. Because he felt that Secretary Acheson was prolonging peace in China, Senator Butler called for his removal from office, suggesting that Secretary Acheson might be sympathetic to the Communists in China.[22]

Although Senator Butler was opposed to American involvement in Korea, he was deeply disappointed when General Douglas MacArthur was removed from command by President Truman in April, 1951. He issued a statement declaring that Nebraskans were also deeply disappointed and somewhat confused with the decision. General MacArthur felt that it was important to continue the American fight against Communism while President Truman was satisfied with the stabilization of South Korea, even if that meant a stalemate. Since he was against American involvement in the first place, Senator Butler argued that the government should pull their forces completely out or let General MacArthur lead the troops to win the battle against the North Korean and Chinese Communists.[23]