Nancy Falk and Rita Gross
Unspoken Worlds
San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1980
CHAPTER 6
Hindu Women’s Family and Household Rites in a North Indian Village
SUSAN S. WADLEY
Slap! Slap! The sound of the winnowing fan being beaten reverberates through the house and courtyard as Jiya, the mother, rids the family living quarters of evil spirits and chases away poverty. It is late on a dark night, the no-moon night of the month of Kar-
Susan S. Wadley is Associate Professor of Anthropology and Director of the Foreign and Comparative Studies Program, Syracuse University. Her publications include Shqkti: Power in the Conceptual Structure of Karimpur Religion (Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Anthropology, 1975), and Women in India: Two Perspectives (with Doranne Jacobson; Delhi: Manohar Book Service, 1977) Her interests focus on popular Hinduism, folklore and women.
Author's note—I conducted the research on which this paper is based during 1967-1969 and 1974-1975 and was supported by grants from the National Science Foundation; the South Asia Committee, the University of Chicago; and the American Institute of Indian Studies. I also wish to thank my colleagues Barbara D Miller. William Houska. and Bruce W. Derr, whose insights and suggestions aided me in writing this paper. Last, the women of Karimpur deserve the most thanks. I can never repay them for their hospitality and kindness; I only hope that I do them justice.
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tik (October-November), and everyone, else is asleep. Earlier in the evening the entire family has celebrated Divali, the Hindu festival honoring Lakshmi, the goddess of prosperity. Divali is also known as the Festival of Lights because Lakshmi is called to homes throughout India by lighting rooftops and windows with clay lamps. It is a joyous festival, also celebrated with fireworks and special foods. But even though the main celebration is over and the family is sleeping, Jiya performs this one last task. As is the case for many other women's calendrical rituals in north India, she, as the eldest female in the family, has to protect her family's health and welfare.
Whereas men's rituals are aimed primarily at general prosperity or good crops and at the world outside the house itself, women's rituals focus more specifically on family welfare and prosperity within the walls of their homes. In this chapter I will examine how women deal with these concerns by discussing the calendrical cycle of rituals practiced by the high-caste Hindu women of Karimpur,1 a village of North India.
Karimpur is located approximately 150 miles southeast of Delhi. In 1968 it had a population of 1,380 divided among 22 hierarchically ranked castes. Jiya belongs to the highest-ranking group, the Brahman caste. In Karimpur members of this caste, though nominally priests, are actually farmers. They dominate the village ritually and economically. Most people in Karimpur live by farming. The men work the fields with their bullock-drawn plows, while the women process the food through winnowing, husking, grinding, and cooking. Women work in the fields only rarely, and it is a sign of a family's low status if the women work outside of the home.
Most Karimpur families are joint families—families in which sons, sons' wives, and grandchildren all live with the parents. Married daughters live with their husbands' families in other villages and only periodically visit the home of their birth. Most of the women in Karimpur, especially wealthier and young married women, follow purdah restrictions. In north India purdah requires that females should be secluded in their family courtyards and houses. When outside these quarters, they must cover their heads and faces with their saris or shawls. Even inside they must
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cover their faces before their husbands and husbands' older male relatives—fathers, uncles, and older brothers.
Essentially, men and women in Karimpur occupy separate worlds. For the most part, women live and work in their homes and have little mobility outside of them. The physical structure of Karimpur houses is important in understanding women's activities. Most homes are built of mud bricks and have an outer room with a verandah adjoining the village lanes. Behind this room is an open courtyard with one or more rooms attached to it. This courtyard and the rooms around it form the women's world. Men must cough or otherwise announce their presence before entering it. Within the confines of their homes, women cook, clean, care for children, visit with neighbors (who come by crossing over rooftops rather than by using the "public" lanes), weave baskets, knit, and celebrate their rituals. Men use the courtyard primarily for eating and bathing. They entertain their guests on the front verandah or in the outer room. Much of the time the men sleep there as well.
In many aspects of life, even in the content of songs and the way they are sung, men and women express their separate worlds. It is not surprising, then, that women's desires, as expressed in their rituals, are those of their world—the household— while men s concerns are focused primarily on the outer world. Since the world affects women differently than it does men, women's symbols of hope and prosperity are also different from men's symbols. On a more theoretical level, we could say that the calendrical rituals of Karimpur express women's most vital moods and motivations. Whether by beating the winnowing fan on Divali night or by worshiping a banyan tree during Marriage Worship or by offering milk to snakes, women in Karimpur symbolically, yet very powerfully, state the longings and ideas that are vital to their women's world. They express these longings and concerns in the twenty rites they perform every year.
Of these twenty rituals performed by women, three involve the direct worship of male relatives. In these rituals the male relative is actually the deity worshiped, and offerings are made directly to him. Four rituals involve the worshiping of a deity for the protection of a particular family member. Another four annual rit-
Hindu Women's Family and Household Rites \ 97
uals are concerned with obtaining protection for one's family in genera], Nine more rituals seek household 'prosperity. (See Table 2 for a complete list of these rituals.)
Before going on to examine these rituals in detail, three points should be clarified. First, living human beings can be, and often are, deities in Karimpur, as are plows, snakes, bullocks, and wheat seedlings, in addition to the normally recognized pantheon of mythological gods and goddesses. The basic rule is that any being that a person considers more powerful than himself or herself in any particular realm of life can become an object of worship. Thus for any given individual the religious pantheon of Karimpur is potentially enormous, since it could consist of all other beings. Moreover any action that is undertaken because of another being's power (shakti) is religious action. The implications of this point for women's religion will become clearer later.
Second, all the rituals listed in Table 2 are performed by women and/or girls. None of these rites requires the services of a priest or other religious specialists (who are almost exclusively male). All the rules for proper worship and all the stories and songs that accompany worship are orally transmitted from women to women for women's use.
Third, women in Karimpur practice three major forms of reli-
Table 2. Women's Rituals in Karimpur
Deity Worshiped / Name of Festival / Purpose / DateWorship of Kin Brother / Tying on Protection (raksha bandan) / Obtaining his protection / Savan2:l5 (July-Aug.)
Husband / Pitcher Fourth (Karva chauth) / Obtaining his protection / Kartik 1:4 (Oct.-Nov.)
Brother / Brother's Second (Bhaiya duj) / Obtaining his protection and his long life / Kartik 2:2 (Oct.-Nov.)
Worship on Behalf of Kin
SavitriBanyan tree / Marriage Worship
(barok ki pufa) / Long life of husband / Jeth 1:15 (May-June)
Gaurl / The Third (Tij) / Brother's welfare / Savan 2:3
(July-Aug.)
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Table 2. (Continued)
Deity Worshiped Name of Festival / Purpose / Date'Devi / Nine Nights / Happy marriage for / Kuar 2:1-9
(neothar) / girls / (Sep.-Oct.)
Siyao or / Lampblack Mother / Having sons; / Kartik 2:1
Sihayo Mata (slyao or sihayo / children's welfare / (Oct.-Nov.)
mata)
Worship on / Behalf of Family
Devi / Goddess Worship / Protection for family / Chait 2:9
(Devin ki puja) / (Mar.-Apr.)
Snakes / Snake's Fifth / Deliverance from / Savan 2:5
(nag panchmi) / snakes / (July-Aug.)
Krishna / Cow Dung Wealth / Protection for family / Kartik 2:1
(gobardhan) / (Oct.-Nov.)
Devi / Goddess Worship / Protection for family / Chait 1:8
(Devin ki puja) / (Mar.-Apr.)
Worship for / Prosperity
Grain, / Grain Third / New crops, shelter / Baisakh 2:3
Vishnu / (akhtij) / (Apr-May)
Devi / Asarhi / Protection from / Asarh 2:15
guru / (asarhl) / rains / (June-July)
Hanuman / Eternal Fourteenth / Protection / Bhadon 2:14
(anant chaudas) / (Aug.-Sep.)
Lakshmi / Elephant Worship / Wealth, fruits / Kuar 1:8
(hathl kl puja) / (Sep.-Oct.)
Lakshmi / Festival of Lights / Wealth / Kartik 1:15
(dtvali) / (Oct.-Nov)
Vishnu / Awakening Gods / Prosperity / Kartik 2: 11
(Dothan) / (Oct.-Nov.)
Vishnu / Full Moon of Kartik / Wealth / Kartik 2:15
(Kartik purnamrashi) / (Oct.-Nov.)
Shiva / Shiva's Thirteenth / Protection / Phagun 1:13
(Shiva leras) / (Feb.-Mar.)
Holi Mata / Holi / Crops, removal of / Phagun 2:15
Krishna / evil / (Feb.-Mar.)
"The religious calendar in India is reckoned by lunar months, with each month divided into a dark half (full to new moon) and a light half (new to full moon); this column specifies the date by month, then half (1-dark half; 2-light half), then day within the half (1-15).
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gious activity: vrat (fasts), puja (worship), and bhajan (devotional singing). Fasting implies greater devotion than that associated with mere worship. Worshiping means honoring the deity as one would a guest: food is presented, the image may be bathed and perfumed, and new clothes are given. To further symbolize her humble subordination to the deity, the worshiper then eats the god's leftover food (prasad). The third ritual form, devotional singing, is both entertainment and serious religious activity. Women's religion in north India is primarily devotional. The deities are worshiped with love and respond with boons for the devotees. Devotional singing accompanies the worship.
I will examine in detail five of the twenty rites practiced by women. I will also look in depth at those aspects of the women's world that give meaning to their ritual actions. The five rituals to be discussed are Brother's Second, Marriage Worship, Lampblack Mother, Snake's Fifth, and the Festival of Lights. Male kin-brothers, husbands, and sons—are the focus of the first three; general family health is sought in the fourth; and family prosperity, in the fifth.
BROTHER S SECOND
Brother's Second occurs in the fall, two days after the Festival of Lights. On this day women worship their brothers, if the brothers are present in the village, or images of their brothers, if they are not present. To understand the ritual significance of brothers, we need to learn why brothers are important to Karim-pur women. To do this, we shall focus on the roles and activities of women, for it is what women are and do that makes their brothers so important.
Two crucial factors in the lives of Karimpur women affect their relationships with their brothers. First, all girls must marry out of the village of their birth (village exogamy); second, they must marry into families considered to have higher ranks than their own (hypergamy). As a result of becoming a part of her husband's family and hence "taking on" his higher status, a married woman has higher status than her own brothers, father, and
100 I Susan S. Wadley
other natal kin. Because of his lower status, her father does not visit her new relatives or receive any hospitality from them. Yet, since women of north India may not travel alone, some male relative must fetch her from her husband's home when she makes her annual visit to her natal home. Normally, brothers are entrusted with this task. Hence a woman's brothers symbolize her links to her natal village. They bring her back for her first visit after her marriage, and they come at times of distress or bring gifts when a child is born or married. This cultural rule makes a great deal of sense. Given the Indian life span of approximately forty-four years for males, it is the brother and not the father who will more likely live to carry out these tasks; only rarely would a woman's father be alive into her middle age.
Conditions of life in a husband's household, as well as stereotypes about it, add to the brother's significance. In rural north India all marriages are arranged by the male kin of bride and groom. Neither the girl or the boy will have ever seen the other before the wedding day itself, and even then purdah restrictions require that the bride be cloaked in heavy shawls. The wedding takes place in the bride's home. Afterward the groom and his male relatives (no female relatives can take part in the journey from one village to the other) remove the bride from the family that she has known since birth and take her as a complete stranger to her new family. Here she is a bahu (wife), and is subordinate to all until either she has a child or a yet younger "wife" is added to the family. As a servant to her elders, locked into strict purdah, and under the tyranny of a mother-in-law, the woman sees her husband's home as a trying and often lonely and unhappy place.