TRAVMA IN DRUŽINA TER ZAKON
POGOSTOST TRAVM V DRUŽINI
Moreover, childrenwho witness violence in the home are at increased riskfor being abused themselves. For example, Straus,Gelles, and Steinmetz (1980) report that woman battering
and child abuse co-occur in 40% to 60% offamilies and Layzer, Goodson, and DeLange (1986)found that almost 70% of children entering batteredwomen’s shelters had also been maltreated. Childrenwho are both witnesses to and victims of violence inthe home demonstrate more severe maladjustmentthan children who are not also abused (Hughes, Parkinson,& Vargo, 1989; Jouriles & Norwood, 1995;McCloskey, Figueredo, & Koss, 1995; O’Keefe, 1995).
Prevalence of children’s exposure to intimate partner violence has been estimatedat 10% to 20% each year. Many children exposed to domestic violence appear tomanifest negative effects.
SINCE THE 1980S, RESEARCH on children exposedto violence between parents has increased
dramatically, documenting the connectionbetween such exposure and awide range ofbehavioral, emotional, and cognitive difficulties.
CHILDREN EXPOSED TO INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE
Research Findings and Implications for Intervention
BONNIE E. CARLSON
State University of New York at Albany
TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE, Vol. 1, No. 4, October 2000 321-342
POGOSTOST TRAVM V DRUŽINI – NASILJE
The Child Custody and Right of Access Act (7), prohibiting
corporal punishment and other forms of physical and
psychological violence towards children, came into force in
Finland in 1984. However, the law has not worked as
efficiently as was expected. Sariola and Uutela (8) concluded
in their study of family violence against children in
Finland that 19% of the children (15 years of age) under
study had experienced mild violence within their family of
origin during the last year (e.g. pulling by the hair or slapping), whereas 5% had experienced severe violence
(e.g. hitting, kicking or being threatened with a gun).
Heiskanen and Piispa (9) found that 22% of Finnish
women are victims of spousal abuse. Perttu’s (10) report
on family violence in Finland stated that the violence was
mostly physical and psychological in nature.
According to data from
the NationalViolence AgainstWomen Survey, close to 1 in 4women and 1 in
13 men report being “raped and/or physically assaulted by a current or former
spouse, cohabiting partner, or date at some time in their lifetime”
(Tjaden&Thoennes, 2000, p. iii).
Trends in Understanding and Addressing Domestic Violence, DANIEL P. MEARS,
CHRISTY A. VISHER, JOURNAL OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE, Vol. 20 No. 2, February 2005 204-211)
According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (1993-1999) Supplementary Homicide Reports,
about 10% of all 12- to-15-year-old girls, and 22% of all 16- to-19-year old girls, murdered
between 1993 and 1999 were killed by an intimate partner. Examining only perpetration, Schwartz and
colleagues (Schwartz, O’Leary, & Kendziora, 1997) found a great deal of difference in dating
violence in their suburban adolescent sample. On a combined measure of sexual and physical
violence, 44% of girls reported perpetrating at least one such act compared to only 16% of boys.
Boys were more likely to report committing serious acts of violence, such as threats with a gun
or knife, beating up a partner whereas girls more often reported pushing and shoving; slapping,
kicking, and biting; and hitting with fists or an object. On a single item about sexual violence,
boys and girls were similar in their perpetration reports, 3% and 2% respectively.
DATING VIOLENCE AMONG ADOLESCENTS Prevalence, Gender Distribution, and Prevention Program Effectiveness
LAURA J. HICKMAN, LISA H. JAYCOX, RAND Corporation. JESSICA ARONOFF, Break the Cycle
TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE, Vol. 5, No. 2, April 2004 123-142
A study conducted by Boney-McCoy and Finkelhor (1995), in which 2,000 childrenbetween the ages 10 and 16 were asked about experiencesof violent victimization, found that childrenwere most likely to be physically assaulted by someonewithin 3 years of their own age. In addition, those children
who experienced a severe assault by a peershowed levels of post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) similar to that of sexually assaulted children.
This retrospective study found that approximatelyhalf of the college freshmen questioned had been victimsof bullying at some point in their childhood. UnlikeEuropean studies (Olweus, 1994) but consistentwith previous research conducted in Canada (Charach,Pepler, & Ziegler, 1995) and the United States(Duncan, in press; Hoover et al., 1992), males and femaleswere equally likely to report having been bullied.
Maltreatment by Parents and Peers:The Relationship Between Child Abuse,
Bully Victimization, and Psychological Distress, Renae D. Duncan, Murray State University
CHILD MALTREATMENT, Vol. 4, No. 1, February 1999 45-55
By definition, the clients that come to themfor help have been abused by their partners. It is
estimated that90%of children present in violenthomes have witnessed the violence perpetrated
against their mother (report of the QueenslandDomestic Violence Task Force, 1988).
WHY THE LABEL CHILD ABUSE PUTS CHILDRENWHO WITNESS DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AT RISKDIANE TATUM
Eastside Domestic Violence Program
TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE, Vol. 1, No. 3, July 2000 288-290
According to the National Violence Against Women Survey (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000), almost 25% of American woman are raped or physically assaulted by a current or former spouse, cohabiting partner, or date at some time in their lifetime. According to the survey, approximately 1. 5 million American women are raped and/or physically assaulted by an intimate partner each year.
Moreover, rates of PTSD among battered women are much higher than in the population at large (Kubany, Haynes, et al. , 2000; Kubany, Leisen, et al. , 2000; see Kubany & Watson, 2002). For example, prevalence of PTSD among women in shelters for battered women has ranged from 45% to 84% (see Kubany et al. , 1995).
Cognitive Trauma Therapy for Battered Women With PTSD (CTT-BW), By: Edward S. Kubany, Elizabeth E. Hill, Julie A. Owens, Cindy Iannce-Spencer, Mari A. McCaig, Ken J. Tremayne, Paulette L. Williams, Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 0022-006X, February 1, 2004, Vol. 72, Issue 1
POGOSTOST TRAVM V DRUŽINI – POSILSTVO, SPOLNA ZLORABA
Marital rape is one of the most prevalent forms of rape. Several studies estimate
the prevalence of rape within marriage to be between 6% and 14%,
depending on the definition of rape used and the type of participants included
in the study (Allison & Wrightsman, 1993; Finkelhor & Yllö, 1985; Russell,
1990). Despite its prevalence, historically, marital rape has often been viewed
as different from other types of rape. In fact, for many years, it was deemed a
legal impossibility for a man to rape his wife because consent to sexual relations
was assumed because of the marital contract. Because people’s beliefs
about different types of rape affect public policy, jury decisions, and victim
behavior, it is important to investigate how society perceives rape within the
context of various intimate relationships, including marriage.
Hanson and Slater (1989), in their meta-analysis of 18 studies, found that although an average of 28% of sexual offenders (range across individual studies of 0% to 67%) reported being sexually victimized as children,
similar rates were found for nonsexual offenders, suggesting that childhood sexual victimization may be related to general offending, rather than specifically sexual offending. Regardless of the inconsistencies across studies, the number of sexual offenders reporting sexual victimization in childhood suggests that the abuseto-abuser hypothesis cannot be ignored.
An Exploration of Childhood Victimization and Family-of-Origin Characteristics of Sexual Offenders Against Children
Tania S. Stirpe
Lana E. Stermac
International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 47(5), 2003 542-555
DOI: 10.1177/0306624X03253316
Female rates of depression appear to double the male rates by the time the youths are age 15 years (Cyranowski, Frank, Young, & Shear,2000). The prevalence rates of CSA and depression of
female adolescents in the NSA were higher than formale adolescents, where 13% of female participantsreported being victims of sexual assault in comparisonto 3.4% of male participants; and female adolescentswere about twice as likely to have major depressionand more than twice as likely to have comorbidPTSD and major depressive episode (MDE) thanmale adolescents (Kilpatrick, Ruggiero, et al., 2003).
Child Maltreatment in Depressed Adolescents:Differences in Symptomatology Basedon History of Abuse
Carla Kmett Danielson, Michael A. de Arellano, Dean G. Kilpatrick, Benjamin E. Saunders, Heidi S. Resnick
Medical University of South Carolina
CHILD MALTREATMENT, Vol. 10, No. 1, February 2005 37-48
DOI: 10.1177/1077559504271630
Clinical reports suggest that 40% to 80%of adolescent sex offenders report such a history (Becker, Kaplan,Cunningham-Rathner, & Kavoussi, 1986; Ford & Linney, 1995; Hunter,Goodwin,&Becker, 1994; Katz, 1990). Likewise,Kobayashi, Sales, Becker,Figueredo, and Kaplan (1995) found that being sexually abused by malesincreased sexual aggression among male adolescent sexual offenders.
Indeed, there is evidence for a link between early exposure to pornographyand sexual offending. Several researchers have found that men who commitsex crimes often report a history of early exposure to pornography.
Childhood Victimization and Lack ofEmpathy as Predictors of SexualOffending Against Womenand Children
DOMINIQUE SIMONS
Colorado Department of Corrections
SANDY K. WURTELE
University of Colorado, Colorado Springs
PEGGY HEIL
Colorado Department of Corrections
JOURNAL OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE, Vol. 17 No. 12, December 2002 1291-1307
Twenty-two percent of the females and 14% of themales who participated in the study reported historiesof childhood sexual assault. This rate is similar to theresults of a national random sample study that foundthat 27% of females and 16% of males had been sexuallyassaulted at some point in childhood (Finkelhor,Hotaling, Lewis, & Smith, 1990).
Finkelhor and Dziuba-Leatherman (1994)found that 45% of children who were victims of violence
(including assault by a peer) had also experiencedan additional type of victimization. This is consistentwith the results of the current study, which notethat participants who were sexually assaulted in childhoodwere more likely than those with no sexual assaulthistories to have been victims of bullying.
Maltreatment by Parents and Peers:The Relationship Between Child Abuse,
Bully Victimization, and Psychological Distress, Renae D. Duncan, Murray State University
CHILD MALTREATMENT, Vol. 4, No. 1, February 1999 45-55
Based on her interviews with a randomly selected representative
sample of 930 women in San Francisco, Russell (1982) argued
that rape in marriage was a pervasive problem—14% of women
who had ever been married had been raped by their husbands. In
their work, Finklehor and Yllo (1985) provided more evidence of
the prevalence of women’s horrific experiences of rape in marriage
and the lack of societal response to the problem. What was
particularly striking to me as a young student of sociology was
the argument made by Russell (1982) and Finkelhor and Yllo
(1985) that forced sexual intercourse with one’s wife was legal in
most states. As Russell (1990) wrote,
The laws relating to rape in most states of this nation, and in most
countries of the world, include what is commonly referred to as
“the marital rape exemption.” These laws usually define rape as
the forcible penetration of the body of a woman, not the wife of the perpetrator,
and so according to them, rape in marriage is a legal impossibility.
(p. 17)
Although rape in marriage
is now criminalized under at least one of the sexual offense
codes in all 50 states, the majority of states have some exemption
from rape prosecution still given to husbands; that is, rape by
one’s intimate partner is still perceived as a different type of crime
than rape by a stranger in the majority of states (Bergen, 1999).
Studying Wife Rape,Reflections on the Past, Present, and Future
RAQUEL KENNEDY BERGEN
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN, Vol. 10 No. 12, December 2004 1407-1416
“Many sexual assault programs see marital rape as a ‘family violence
problem’ and many programs for battered women see it as a
‘sexual assault issue’” (Thompson-Haas, cited in Russell, 1990,
p. xxv). In 1987, Lynn Thompson-Haas found that the majority of
battered women’s programs and rape crisis centers did not ask
women about their experiences of rape in marriage. Furthermore,
less than one half of battered women’s programs trained
their staff and volunteers about this form of violence (Thompson-
Haas, 1987).Studying Wife Rape,Reflections on the Past, Present, and Future
RAQUEL KENNEDY BERGEN
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN, Vol. 10 No. 12, December 2004 1407-1416
POGOSTOST TRAVM V DRUŽINI - AFERE
Yet it's happening more often in offices across the country. More than 8 million Americans are involved in office romances--and studies show that up to 80 percent of the population has dated co-workers, making the workplace the most likely place to find romance. Of course, if every office romance were as happily ever after as that of Diaz and O'Meara, there would be no issue.
Though human resource managers typically frown upon such relationships, many have no written policies on employee dating. However, 81 percent of HR professionals believe that workplace romances lead to conflict in the organization, according to a 2002 study conducted by the Society for Human Resource Management and CareerJournal.com.
But that's not the case. From an employer's point of view, workplace romances can be tricky to manage, and experts say companies should have formal policies in place regarding employee dating. These policies may be a restriction on supervisor-subordinate relationships, requiring a consensual relationship contract or a complete prohibition on workplace dating.
However, Mathiason says there's an even better solution than contracts. He suggests appropriate management training for supervisors regarding the risks involved in office romances. Indeed, he says it may help them better solve other sensitive issues that arise in the workplace.
As a result, romantic relationships in organizational settings have become
quite common. Dillard and Miller (1988) reported that 71% of respondents in the
combined samples of prior studies had observed at least one romantic relationship
at work, and 31% of persons surveyed had themselves been involved in a romantic
relationship with someone at work. Since romantic relationships in organizational
settings are occurring at a high frequency, their potential impact on the
conduct of work is considerable.
POGOSTOST TRAVM V DRUŽINI – SMRT
Two million children and adolescents experience the death of a parent each
year (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1990). Beyond parental death, however, no
national sources document the scope of familial death. Furthermore, little is
known about the prevalence of loss of other signi˘cant people in adolescents’
lives, such as close friends.
Roughly a decade ago, the de˘nition of
a traumatic event was expanded in the DSM-IV (APA, 1994) to include
learning about unexpected death or threat of death experienced by a family member. Since this change in criteria, greater attention has been given in the
empirical literature to psychopathology in relation to the death of a loved one.
However, due to the limited
availability of national data, it remains unclear how prevalent deaths of
family members and friends are among adolescents.
RAZLIKE MED SPOLOMA
RAZLIKE MED SPOLOMA – SPOLNOST
The perception and interpretation of sexual interest may be an important
skill in avoiding sexual revictimization. Gender differences in perceptions of
sexual interest have been well-documented. Men attribute more sexual interest
to women’s friendly behavior than women (see Abbey, 1991, for review).
Abbey (1982) found that men rate both male and female actors as having
greater sexual desire than do women rating the same actors. This finding has
been replicated using several methodologies (Goodchilds, Zellman, Johnson,
& Giarrusso, 1988; Harnish, Abbey, & DeBono, 1990; Johnson, Stockdale,&
Saal, 1991; Shotland&Craig, 1988; Sigal, Gibbs, Adams,&Derfler,
1988). Using a list of specific target behaviors, Kowalski (1992, 1993) found
a gender difference only in the interpretation of sexual interest conveyed by
women’s mundane behaviors (e.g., the woman asking the man for a date, the
woman accepting an invitation for a date). For behaviors higher in sexual
connotation, men andwomen did not differ in their perceptions of awoman’s
sexual interest. Thus, the gender difference in interpretation ofwomen’s sexual
interest is partially a function of the degree of sexual connotation of the
behavior.Researchers have ascribed this gender difference to a generalized tendency
for men to interpret the world in a more sexualized manner than
women (Abbey, 1982) or to a lower male threshold for labeling behaviors as
connoting sexual interest (Shotland, 1989). These hypotheses are compatible
with research that men report a greater number of externally generated fantasies,
more frequent masturbation, and greater interest in casual sexual activity
than women (Hyde & Oliver, 2000).(The Role of Sexual Victimization
in Women’s Perceptions of Others’ Sexual Interest,PATRICIA L. N. DONAT,BARRIE BONDURANT
JOURNAL OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE, Vol. 18 No. 1, January 2003 50-64)
Women’s sexuality often is constructed as passive and receptive whereas
men’s sexuality is constructed as active (Kurth, Spiller, & Travis, 2000).
Women’s greater surveillance of men’s sexual interest may be related to the
common gate-keeping function imposed onwomen.Women often are socialized
to set the boundaries of heterosexual activity. To effectively serve this
function, women must be able to identify the precursors of sexual interest so
that they may appropriately initiate efforts to disengage or divert activity.
According to Reid and Bing (2000), “It is the woman who should be perceptive
enough to understand the course of current and future [sexual] behavior”
(p. 142). Despite the sexual double standard, even women’s behaviors that
may have violated the norm of female sexual passivity were still perceived as
lower in sexual connotation than men’s comparable behaviors. In addition,
women’s perception of greater sexual interest for men’s behaviors may be an
accurate reflection of the gender differences found in men’s and women’s
sexuality and in cultural belief structures about the potency of men’s sexual
desire. Moreover, women’s sensitivity to cues connoting sexual interest in
men may be related to gender differences in power. Those in societywith less
power are often more aware of the actions and beliefs of those in more powerful
positions (Forte, 1998; New, 1998).(The Role of Sexual Victimization
in Women’s Perceptions of Others’ Sexual Interest,PATRICIA L. N. DONAT,BARRIE BONDURANT
JOURNAL OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE, Vol. 18 No. 1, January 2003 50-64)
ZNAČILNOSTI IN VRSTE TRAVM V DRUŽINI
In a longitudinal study of children followed for 8 years intoadolescence, the authors investigated how different forms ofmaltreatment (i.e., harsh parenting, sexual abuse, witnessingdomestic violence) in childhood and parenting duringadolescence influenced adolescents’ shame- and guilt-proneness
Results suggest that,as mediators, shame and guilt may provide useful focalpoints for intervention and prevention efforts in reducingadolescent depression and delinquency.