Samford Debate Institutemilitarism Aff

Samford Debate InstituteMilitarism Aff

The Axis of Evil

The Japan Aff

The Japan Aff......

1AC......

Colonialism – Bases Link......

Colonialism – SOFA Link

Colonialism – Local Opposition......

Colonialism Adv – Presence......

Militarism – Now Key Time......

Militarism – Impact (War)......

Militarism – Impact (Environment)......

Feminism – Rape......

Feminism – Violence Up......

Environment – Bases Link......

Solvency – Local Demands Key......

Solvency – Imperialism Frame......

Solvency - Framing......

Solvency – Post Iraq Opening......

Solvency – Militarism Framing......

Solvency – Cosmo......

Solvency – Move Back Home......

****Defend This House****......

AT: Base Economy......

AT: Don't Solve All Militarism......

AT: New basing......

AT: Obama Not A Militarist......

AT: Spending Proves No Militarism......

****2AC Off-Case Answers****......

2AC: Hegemony DA......

2AC: Security Answers......

2AC: Japan Rearm DA......

2AC: North Korea/ China......

2AC: China Threat Con......

2AC: Terrorism Impact......

2AC: T Presence = Active Military Activity......

2AC: T – Presence is supporting Equipment......

2AC: Fem PIC......

2AC: Lacan......

2AC: Marxism K......

2AC: Global Local K......

2AC: Global/Local K......

2AC: Intersectionality K......

2AC: Biopolitics......

2AC: Economy Impacts

2AC Humanitarian Counter Plan......

2AC: Move the Air force CP......

2AC: Consult –Just Say No......

2AC: SOFA not T......

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Contention One: The US military presence in Okinawa is a form of military colonialism. The existence of military bases both serve to directly control Japan while reshaping the local population

Joseph Gerson, 9director of programs of the American Friends Service Committee in New England, Bases of Empire, p. 49

Military colonialism, hard and soft, persists in Okinawa and elsewhere in other nearly invisible ways. A century ago European powers consolidated their colonial power over and continuedprivileged presence in East Asian nations through “unequal treaties,” such as those dictated to Japan, Korea, China, and Indochina. With Japan’s brutal invasions of these colonies and with the destruction of colonialism’s remaining foundations in the course of World War II and the Chinese revolution, these unequal treaties were consigned to the dustbin of history. But, in the immediate aftermath of the war, the unequal treaties returned in a new guise: military alliances and Status of Forces Agreements imposed by the United States on Japan and on many of these formerly colonized nations which have provided the “legal” foundations for the continued presence of U.S. “standing armies” for the past six decades. The “soft” side of military colonialism expresses itself in food, cultural tastes, and markets. Inexpensive and plentiful food on and around U.S. bases in Okinawa – especially during the 25-year formal military occupation (1945–72) – permeated Okinawan culture, changing tastes and creating markets for companies like McDonalds, Burger King, and Mattel Toys. Until recently Okinawans, who “host” three-quarters of U.S. troops based in Japan on 0.6 percent of the nation’s territory, enjoyed the longest life expectancies of any Japanese, with the primary cause being Okinawans’ unique diet. Today in Naha, Okinawa’s capital, people spend 46 percent more on hamburgers than people do in other Japanese prefectural capitals. They spend 60 percent more on bacon, and 300 percent more on processed meats, while spending 49 percent less on salad and 71 percent less on sushi. Okinawan men are paying the greatest price. While Okinawan women remain the longest lived in Japan, Okinawan men’s longevity has fallen to 26th among Japan’s 47 prefectures (Onishi 2004). Military colonialism brings structural violence.

Despite the plans for changing the location of the base in Okinawa it will not challenge the military complex. The new base tries to hide colonialism

Doug Bandow, 10 Senior Fellow @ The Cato Institute, March 25.

The rape of a 12-year-old girl by three U.S. personnel in 1995 led to mass protests against both the SOFA (which left the accused in American custody) and the bases. A decade later the U.S. and Japanese governments agreed to move the Marines Corps Air Station at Futenma out of Ginowan to a less heavily populated area on Okinawa, and relocate 8,000 Marines (plus dependents) to Guam. Tokyo pledged to cover about $6 billion of the relocation cost. However, Okinawa residents want to remove, not relocate the base, and Japanese taxpayers aren't thrilled about picking up part of the moving tab. The DPJ government announced plans to revisit the 2006 agreement. The Obama administration responded by demanding that Tokyo live up to its responsibilities. More recently, U.S. officials suggested that Washington would not agree to any change that lacked local approval — which would conveniently leave Futenma unmoved.

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The security politics that maintain the base at Okinawa are directly linked to the gendered violence that occurs there. For the past 60 years this militarist ideology has provided cover for rape and ongoing abuse

Kozue Akibayashi, 9researcher at the Institute for Gender Studies, Ochanomizu University, and Suzuyo Takazato, co-chair of Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence and one of the foremost Japanese peace activists and feminists who critically examines U.S. bases on Okinawa, Bases of Empire, p. 260-261

Having worked with many victims and survivors of sexual violence, OWAAMV women started to compile the cases which were brought to their attention or those which occurred in their own communities that were never reported to the police, including in the accounts and memoirs both documented cases and those recorded as oral histories. The most current, the seventh revision of the chronology, accounts for around 300 cases of different sorts of assaults against women and girls, including cases of gang rape, attempted rape, abduction, and murder. OWAAMV members’ efforts to collect cases from various sources including oral histories illustrate the realities of military violence against women. Women in Okinawa have been exposed to gender-based military violence for over 60 years. They have come to analyzetheir daily and historical experiences and have theorized that the violence against women committed by U.S. soldiers in Okinawa is an inevitable result of the state-based military security system. Cases listed in the chronology reveal the interplay between war preparation and the intensity of military violence. This chronology demonstrates that gender-based military violence in Okinawa began when the U.S. military landed on the island in 1945, during the last stage of World War II. Since then, women and children have been exposed to violence and have lived in fear. In the period between World War II and the Korean War, during which people in Okinawa lived on land that had been damaged by fierce battle, struggling for survival, women experienced rampant and indis- criminate military violence that can be characterized as follows: 1. A group of between two and six soldiers would abduct one woman at gun- or knifepoint. 2. After being gang-raped, the victim would often be given to other groups of soldiers for more gang rape. 3. Soldiers did not hesitate to kill or severely injure those who tried to help victims. 4. Assaults might take place anywhere, including in fields, on streets, around wells, by the water, or in front of families. 5. Assaults of ten demonstrated brutality. Women with infants on their backs were raped and killed, and victims’ ages ranged from 9 months to the mid 60s. 6. Victims gave birth as a result of rapes. In the four years following World War II, 450 children were identified as having been fathered by U.S. soldiers. 7. Perpetrators were mostly not apprehended, and were often left unpunished. During the Vietnam War in the 1960s and 1970s, violence was directed towards women working in the sex industry around the bases, often by soldiers returning from the front who brought the fear and anger of the battlefield to Okinawa. Rape cases were rampant. Three or four women were strangled to death each year. A survey conducted in 1969 found that approximately 7,400women worked in the sex industry. These women earned dollars in the still economically depressed environment, and many were forced to sell sex because of large loans imposed on them in forced managed prostitution. Furthermore, many of these women were nearly strangled to death more than once, an experience that left them suffering from trauma. More recently, troops stationed in Okinawa were deployed to the Persian Gulf in the 1990s. During this period, military violence against women in various forms again increased in its intensity.

Social stigma results in underreporting of gendered violence in Okinawa. Existing reports are only the tip of the iceberg

When OWAAMV women spoke out against the rape in 1995, one of the questions most commonly posed to them by the mainland Japanese media regarded the statistics of sexual crimes committed by U.S. soldiers in Okinawa. Although OWAAMV women often presented the official statistics released by the local authority, they also emphasized the difficulty in estimating the actual number. Furthermore, no official statistics were available about the crimes committed by U.S. soldiers during the period of U.S. occupation. Few women victimized by U.S. soldiers revealed their experiences, even after the occupation had ended. This reluctance resulted in part from the stigma imposed on victims by societies ridden with different levels and forms of patriarchy. In addition, in the Japanese legal system, rape victims are required to report the crime in order for the police to start an investigation. Needless to say, numerous women and girls chose to remain silent. The official statistics on sexual crimes by U.S. soldiers, therefore, reflect only the tip of the iceberg.

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This ideology is also complicit in the racist assumption that white nations must fight expansionist wars in order to maintain global peace – our affirmative questions the power politics that creates expansionist wars in the name of avoiding conflict

Catherine Lutz, 2009, professor of anthropology at Brown University and the Watson Institute for International StudiesThe Bases of Empire p. 29

The reasons given for stationing U.S. forces overseas, though, cannot simply be called wrong. While the weight of evidence just briefly reviewed suggests that they are, the pursuit of the immense project of circling the globe with soldiers and equipment is fueled as much by mythic structures as by reason and rationality. It then becomes difficult to distinguish one from the other. While such myths may be invalidated by rational argumentation, their explanatory power often remains powerfully intact. Support for foreign military bases hinges first on the idea that war is often necessary and ultimately inevitable. It is widely believed that humans are naturally violent and that war can be a glorious and good venture. Racism adds the notion that the modern and not coincidentally white nations have the respon- sibility, intelligence, religious ethic, and right to control more primitive (and more chaotically violent) others through violence if necessary. These racial ideas made it possible for people in the United States and Europe to support colonial exterminationist wars in the nineteenth century, but to find wars between indus- trialized or civilized states increasingly unthinkable during the late nineteenth century (despite what went on to happen in the twentieth). They also underpin the assumption that Gusterson (1999) has labeled “nuclear orientalism,” which holds that only the United States and European powers can truly be trusted with nuclear weapons. Such beliefs provide important foundation stones for support of the U.S. basing system.16

Gender violence is a direct result of militarism – we need to challenge the existing economy of violence in order to confront the abuse that occurs at Okinawa

Kozue Akibayashi, 9 researcher at the Institute for Gender Studies, Ochanomizu University, and Suzuyo Takazato, co-chair of Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence and one of the foremost Japanese peace activists and feminists who critically examines U.S. bases on Okinawa, Bases of Empire, p. 258

Only recently has the women’s peace movement gained public attention as a distinctive analysis of the militarized security system. Throughout the world, these movements are calling attention to the rise in military violence against women. Many are also challenging the military system itself, as well as the integral element of misogyny that infects military training. Some are raising crucial questions about the prevailing realist concept of security that rationalizes the present proliferation of U.S. military bases around the globe. Women in Okinawa were among the first and most active in posing the challenge and raising the questions.

In the past decade, women involved in the peace and human rights movements in Okinawa have gained increasing visibility by raising their distinctive voices. These women started another “island-wide” protest against the 1995 rape which coincided with the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing, China, with 71 Okinawan women participating in an NGO Forum organized in conjunction with the intergovernmental conference. One of the workshops they offered, entitled “Military Structural Violence and Women,” presented their analysis of the consequences of the long-term active foreign military presence in their lives. At this workshop, the group presented the history of sexual and gender violence committed by U.S. military personnel against women and children in Okinawa, and demonstrated that the military is a violence-producing institution to which sexual and gender violence are intrinsic. The workshop argued that because soldiers, especially marines, are prepared to engage in life and death combat, they are trained to maximize their capacity to attack and destroy an “enemy,” a dehumanized other. Sexism that devalues the dignity and humanity of women is a primary process of dehumanizing others, and denigration of women is integral to much military training. Pent-up feelings of frustration, anger, and aggression that soldiers acquire from combat training and experiences are often vented against women in their base locality, a reflection of misogyny and racial discrimination. In demonstrating this analysis of the military, the group posed fundamental questions on the notion of militarized security. Whose security does the military provide? From their experience of living in close proximity to an active foreign military whose presence is intended to assure “security,” people in Okinawa knew that the military has in fact been a source of insecurity to local people, especially women and children.

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The resulting impact of subordination amounts in magnitude to a literal war against those who are subjected to gendered violence

Ray, US Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, 2-1997 [Amy, American University Law Review]

Because, as currently constructed, human rights laws can reach only individual perpetrators during times of war, one alternative is to reconsider our understanding of what constitutes "war" and what constitutes "peace." <=265> n264 When it is universally true that no matter where in the world a woman lives or with what culture she identifies, she is at grave risk of being beaten, imprisoned, enslaved, raped, prostituted, physically tortured, and murdered simply because she is a woman, the term "peace" does not describe her existence. <=266> n265 In addition to being persecuted for being a woman, many women also are persecuted on ethnic, racial, religious, sexual orientation, or other grounds. Therefore, it is crucial that our re-conceptualization of [*837] human rights is not limited to violations based on gender. <=267> n266 Rather, our definitions of "war" and "peace" in the context of all of the world's persecuted groups should be questioned. Nevertheless, in every culture a common risk factor is being a woman, and to describe the conditions of our lives as "peace" is to deny the effect of sexual terrorism on all women. <=268> n267 Because we are socialized to think of times of "war" as limited to groups of men fighting over physical territory or land, we do not immediately consider the possibility of "war" outside this narrow definition except in a metaphorical sense, such as in the expression "the war against poverty." However, the physical violence and sex discrimination perpetrated against women because we are women is hardly metaphorical. Despite the fact that its prevalence makes the violence seem natural or inevitable, it is profoundly political in both its purpose and its effect. Further, its exclusion from international human rights law is no accident, but rather part of a system politically constructed to exclude and silence women. <=269> n268 The appropriation of women's sexuality and women's bodies as representative of men's ownership over women has been central to this "politically constructed reality." <=270> n269 Women's bodies have become the objects through which dominance and even ownership are communicated, as well as the objects through which men's honor is attained or taken away in many cultures. <=271> n270 Thus, when a man wants to communicate that he is more powerful than a woman, he may beat her. When a man wants to communicate that a woman is [*838] his to use as he pleases, he may rape her or prostitute her. The objectification of women is so universal that when one country ruled by men (Serbia) wants to communicate to another country ruled by men (Bosnia-Herzegovina or Croatia) that it is superior and more powerful, it rapes, tortures, and prostitutes the "inferior" country's women. <=272> n271 The use of the possessive is intentional, for communication among men through the abuse of women is effective only to the extent that the group of men to whom the message is sent believes they have some right of possession over the bodies of the women used. Unless they have some claim of right to what is taken, no injury is experienced. Of course, regardless of whether a group of men sexually terrorizing a group of women is trying to communicate a message to another group of men, the universal sexual victimization of women clearly communicates to all women a message of dominance and ownership over women. As Charlotte Bunch explains, "The physical territory of [the] political struggle [over female subordination] is women's bodies." <=273> n272 Given the emphasis on invasion of physical territory as the impetus of war between nations or groups of people within one nation, we may be able to reconceive the notion of "war" in order to make human rights laws applicable to women "in the by-ways of daily life." <=274> n273 We could eradicate the traditional public/private dichotomy and define oppression of women in terms traditionally recognized by human rights laws by arguing that women's bodies are the physical territory at issue in a war perpetrated by men against women. Under this broader definition of "war," any time one group of people systematically uses physical coercion and violence to subordinate another group, that group would be perpetrating a war and could be prosecuted for human rights violations under war crimes statutes.