Resisting cultural globalization in Africa: a study of the training of bronze casters
Paper presented at SCUTREA, 32nd Annual Conference, 2-4 July 2002, University of Stirling
Akpovire Oduaran, University of Botswana, Botswana
Monday Owie, University of Benin, Nigeria
Cultural globalization
Globalization implies some degree of compulsion for the simple reason that its frameworks induce a world that has been integrated in a single market with states not having any choice but to compete intensity with one another for highly flexible and mobile capital (Arrighi, 1999). The capital in question transcends purely economic connotations to include even social and cultural capital and its mobility as mediated by the major technological advances being made in the conceptualization, production, transmission, storage, processing and utilization of information. If, as we have implied in our understanding of globalization in terms of cultural capital, it is indeed possible to have cultural globalization, its impacts could be tangible.
In the context of this paper, cultural globalization may be understood as the process of worldwide cultural interconnections using the medium provided by the revolutionalised virtual mechanisms. Thus, it could be understood as a homogenizing process teetered on the stream roller called globalization and is aimed at eventually bringing about one society, a global or world society, in which cultural values could be commonly shared for the purpose of uplifting everybody. This is probably one reason why Chase-Dunn (1999) emphasizes the point that cultural globalization relates to the diffusion of two sets of cultural phenomena; namely the proliferation of individualized values, originally of Western origin, to even larger parts of the world population and the adoption of originally Western institutional practices. The values in reference are generally expressed in social constructs that give cognizance to individual rights and identities and the nascent transnational and international movements aimed at protecting human rights.
It is true that the modern world system has always been, and is still, multicultural in nature. However, under the modern cultural globalization, one can easily point at an ever-growing influence and adopting of Western values of rationality, individualism, equality and efficiency. These values are nowadays becoming norms and standards against which other cultures are judged. In contexts such as these, there is a tendency for cultures to strive for their own identity, especially as they are closely linked to languages.
The problem
Globalization processes remain suspects. Indeed, some have alleged that the cutting edge of globalization has severed cultures from their roots in distinct space-time niches and that it has tended to promote the culture of the so called First World as ‘the’ culture to which all others must succumb without any resistance, for to resist it is to invite national and cultural calamity (Panini, 2002; Arigbede, 1999; Arste, 1999). The suspicions surrounding cultural globalization has compelled different peoples who see their cultures as coming under attack and heading for extinction to try and resist. Such resistance is not limited to Africa for O’Rourke (2002: 1) has reported opposition voices in Europe as saying: ‘we don’t want to lose our local habits, customs, and personality on the orders of faceless bureaucrats in Brussels’.
Although most sociologists may take the idea of ‘cultural resistance’ as contradictory since ‘cultures’ cannot actually be conceived ‘as bounded and fairly static units’ (Breidenbach and Zukrigh, 2002), there are many others who share a contrary view and would endorse resistance. States are not excluded from attempts to resist. As Breindenbach and Zukrigl (2002) have opined, the state is the first to prohibit foreign influences from entering its territory as could be pointed out in Iran forbidding its citizens from owning satellite-dishes, in France struggling very hard to protect the French language from being anglicized and consequently inventing new French words like ‘formulae rapide’ instead of ‘fast food’ and in Bangalore forbidding its females from embracing the Miss World Beauty contest.
In Africa, there are calls for the resistance of cultural globalization and the embracing of what many call African renaissance (Hountondji, 1997; Arigbede, 1999; Rotimi, 1999; and Nabudere, 2000). Arigbede (1999) has argued that what our peoples need are not more theoretical debates, good and important as these are for path finding, but stimulation into political self-activity and self-mobilisation to struggle against globalized misery and hopelessness. It is alleged that cultural globalization for Africa has meant the repudiation of several aspects of indigenous African culture in preference for Western culture together with its devastating effects on our peoples. To effect, African languages, dance forms, music, drama, tastes. Patterns of relationships and social integrations have been profoundly altered. In spite of this assault, some aspects of Africa’s culture and indigenous art and craft forms continue to resist cultural globalization with some measure of success.
There are many approaches to cultural resistance. In this study, bronze casting has been selected as the approach. For effect, bronze casting in the ancient Benin Kingdom in modern day Nigeria is taken as a case study. Bronze casting in the ancient Benin Kingdom is an art, a trade and a process. It is an art, which finds expressions in the acknowledgement of deities, customs and traditions in a sustainable way. It is a trade, which provides a source of income for families in the guild system, and it is a process of indigenization that usually produce new and strange combinations of values and class. Bronze casting as a weapon for resisting cultural globalization has been sustained probably due to the system of training bronze casters. In spite of all the modernization and cultural globalization, bronze casting has remained.
Research objectives
This study is aimed at investigating how indigenous informal training programmes have helped in the sustenance of bronze casting as a cultural form and profession. Specifically, the study was aimed at:
1. Identifying trainer and trainee characteristics, methods, language used and duration of training,
2. Exploring the extent to which the age-long guild system of trade specialization affects the training of bronze casters, and
3. Articulating the problems confronting the training process.
Research methodology
Bronze casting began in the Benin Kingdom at about 1280A.D. following the arrival in the Kingdom of artisans from Ile-Ife at the invitation of Oba Oguola. It was Oba Oguola then who commissioned ‘Iguegha’ (meaning, division or specialization of trades). In other words, he introduced the guilds system of craftsmanship, one of which was ‘Iguneronmwon’, meaning, Centre for Bronze Casting. It was this Centre that trained skilled craftsmen who produced bronze work mainly for the Oba’s Court.
To date, the Benin bronze-casters live at Iguneronmwon in Benin City where they are a total of 20 workshops each of which is headed by a master craftsman known as trainer. As at the time of the study, there were 20 trainers and 150 trainees. The small population made it possible for us to include everybody in this in-depth study.
The two main instruments used were the Structured Interview Schedule for Trainees (SIST) consisting of 20 questions and the Structured Interview Schedule for Instructors (SISI) consisting of 25 questions. Both instruments were subjected to experts’ scrutiny using creative arts lecturers from the University of Benin and retired craftsmen. The interview was done using the delphite technique of repeated interview to test for consistency of information given at separate intervals. We also used a system of verifying information given by ensuring that each respondent had separate and independent interviews. This procedure lasted 6 months.
Results and discussions:
Trainers’ characteristics
The analysis of trainers’ characteristics revealed the fact that only 5% of them fell into the age range of between 15 and 25 years. Twenty per cent and 50% fell into the age range of 26-35 and 36-45 years respectively and 25% of them were in the age range of 47 and above. What this means is that there is a gradual decline in the number of persons enlisting in the guild in the capacity of trainers.
Furthermore, the study revealed that 60% of the trainers are illiterate and just 25% and 10% of them hold the First School Leaving Certificate and Standard 3 Certificates respectively. Again, just 5% of them hold Standard 1 Certificate. In spite of this low level of formal education that prevails among trainers, they have managed to sustain their trade probably because of the quality of the bronze works produced.
Trainee’s educational background and opinions on impact
In contrast with the educational background of the trainers, only 20% of the trainees (N=150) were illiterates. As much as 60% of them had primary education and 16.6% of them hold the Junior Secondary School Certificate and 3.4% of them were involved in the training on part-time basis because they were still studying in primary schools. This means that there is a steady pool of fairly educated trainers building up.
It is interesting to note that when we tried to find out from the trainees if in their opinion educational background can affect performance in training, 66.7% of them said that educational background has very little effect. Indeed, 13.3% of them said that educational background does not in any way affect their performance, 6.7% of them said it has little impact and 13.3% believed that it has profound impact.
Method of training
The results indicate that 95% of the trainees use a combination of observation, demonstration and talk-explanation as the main methods of training. Only 5% of them use observation and demonstration as the only method of training. When we sought the opinions of the trainees themselves as to the method they would prefer most for instruction, 84.6% of them agreed that the combination of observation, talk-explanation and demonstration was the most suitable. However, 15% of them said that the combination of methods was just suitable and 1.4% said it was unsuitable.
Language of instruction
It is revealing that 95% of the trainers use the Edo language as the medium of instruction because they can best express the art in that language. Only 5% of them ever attempt to use pilgrim English which is a corrupted form of the English language.
When we went further to verify the acceptability of the Edo language as the medium of instruction, 100% of the trainees agreed that that was the language that best met their needs. This finding is not strange as such because of the ethnic homogeneity of the group of trainees.
Duration of training
The finesse of Benin bronze must have accounted for its popularity and sustainability. The continuity of that finesse may be related to the duration of training. When we investigated this hunch, 65% of the trainers said that their trainees spend 4 years and above in acquiring the skill. It was also indicated that 10% of the trainees use between 3 and 4 years, 15% of them use 2 and 3 years and another 10% use just 2 years. In other words, there is no uniform duration of the time for training. It all depends on the trainer and the trainees’ ability and regularity in attendance. Moreover, 100% of the trainers said that there are no final qualifying examinations. It does mean that a trainee can graduate from the training as soon as s/he is able to demonstrate dexterity in the trade.
The guild system and its impact
The guild system is protected by a guild law, which makes bronze casters the sole producers of bronze work. To be admitted into the system requires some kind of ancestral relationship, and we had thought that this could inhibit human resource development in the trade.
The findings revealed that 90% of the trainees were of the view that the guild system greatly inhibits human resource development in bronze casting and that it weakens the likelihood of continuity of the trade. However, 10% of them said that the guild system has little effect on human resource development.
Problems
There are some problems confronting the training. The problems stem from the introduction of modern equipment, for example, the oven as compared with the use of firewood. There is the second problem arising from the manipulation of equipment; the labeling of materials and the accurate measurement of the brass such as would cover a waxed object.
Discussion of results
It was observed that variation in the characteristics of the trainers and trainees in terms of educational background did not seem to affect their performance in bronze casting. This is probably because of the use of the indigenous Edo language, and the homogeneity of the group and the ascendancy of the use of combined methods of instruction. These results confirm those of Fafunwa (1974) and Oduaran (1988).
The guild system has remained intact to date. Would be artisans who, by virtue of their birth, are not from Igun quarters are made to pass through a vigorous process of palace recommendation and initiation and the taking of an Oath of Allegiance before being admitted. This finding confirms the testimonies already documented by Chief Egharevba and the current Oba of Benin, Omo No Oba N’Edo, Uku Akpolokpolo, Erediauwa.
Generally, the averagely intelligent trainee takes 3 years and above to qualify. Qualification is based on the production of perfect and artistically complex bronze works and this confirms Oduaran's findings of 1988.