Name ______Date ______Period ____
Primary Documents: The Russian Revolution
Directions: Read primary documents and answer the questions that follow.
Russia’s Bloody Sunday – Father Gapon (January 22, 1905)
1. As the procession moved toward the palace gates, what type of people were in the march?
2. What happened when the procession reached the Cossacks?
3. What happened when the procession approached the canal?
4. As the soldiers continued to fire, what did Gapon tell the marchers to do?
5. Where did the marchers try to hide? What did the soldiers do about it?
6. Gapon says that these events opened a new chapter in Russia’s history. Can you think of any historical examples that we have covered where something similar to this dramatically changed history?
Bolsheviks Seize Power in Russia – Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1917)
7. Think back to what we have covered in class. What is the definition of the term “Soviet” as used by Lenin in the first paragraph?
8. What happened to member s of the Provisional government?
9. What does Lenin say that the new government will propose regarding WWI?
10. Who does Lenin say will get all of the land? Will there by compensation for the former land owners?
11. Who will be placed in charge of production? Using your brain, who does this mean will no longer be in charge of factories?
12. What does Lenin call on all soldiers and railway men to do? Why?
Defense of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat – Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1919)
13. We have already discussed the terms “proletariat” and “bourgeoisie” this year, but I suppose it is possible that you have forgotten them. Please briefly define both. Consult with a dictionary if necessary.
14. Lenin says that in no capitalist country is there “democracy in general”, only “bourgeois democracy”. What do you think that he means by this?
15. Why does Lenin say that there must be a period of dictatorship before a formerly repressed social class can ever truly solidify its power? Can you think of any historical examples that support this idea?
16. What does Lenin mean when he says, “the most democratic bourgeois republic is nothing more than a machine for the suppression of the working class by the bourgeoisie”?
17. Why does Lenin say that the “freedom of meeting” in democratic societies is a lie perpetrated upon the proletariat by the bourgeoisie?
18. How does Lenin say that freedom is defined in a capitalist society?
19. How does Lenin say that true freedom will look and be established in a communist society?
20. How does Lenin justify the dictatorship of the proletariat that had been created in Russia in contrast to the dictatorships of the landlords and the bourgeoisie that he said existed in capitalist countries? If you are struggling to figure this out, he makes it fairly clear in the second to last paragraph.
Russia’s Bloody Sunday – Father Gapon (January 22, 1905)
Pressure for reform of the Russian monarchy culminated in a demonstration in St.Petersburg on January 22, 1905. About 200,000 workers marched to the czar’s palace. Led by a priest named Father Gapon, whose account of the massacre follows, the marchers werenot violent and sought only to present a petition of grievances to the czar. Palace troopsattacked and killed hundreds of the demonstrators anyway. Ultimately, however, the popularoutcry over the massacre, called Bloody Sunday, forced the czar to grant democratic reforms,including the formation of the Duma, Russia’s first elected legislative body.
‘Shall we go straight toward the gate, or by a roundabout route to avoid thesoldiers?’ I was asked. I shouted huskily, ’No; straight through them.Courage! Death or Freedom!’ and the crowd shouted in return, ’Hurrah!’ Wethen started forward, singing in one mighty, solemn voice the Tsar’s hymn [the national anthem],’God Save thy People’. But when we came to the line, ’Save NicholasAlexandrovitch’, some of the men who belonged to the Socialist Party werewicked enough to substitute the words ’Save George Appolonovich’ [Father Gapon],while others simply repeated the words, ’Death or Freedom!’ The processionmoved in a compact mass. In front of me were my two bodyguards and ayoung fellow with dark eyes from whose face his hard labouring life had notyet wiped away the light of youthful gaiety. On the flanks of the crowd ran thechildren. Some of the women insisted on walking in the first rows, in order, as they said, to protect me with their bodies, and force had to be used to removethem. I may mention also as a significant fact that at the start the police notonly did not interfere with the procession, but moved with us with baredheads in recognition of the religious emblems. Two local police officersmarched bareheaded in front of us, preventing any hindrance to our advanceand forcing a few carriages that we met to turn aside in our favour. In this waywe approached the Narva Gate, the crowd becoming denser as we progressed,the singing more impressive, and the whole scene more dramatic.
At last we reached within two hundred paces of where the troops stood.Files of infantry barred the road, and in front of them a company of cavalrywas drawn up, with their swords shining in the sun. Would they dare to touchus? For a moment we trembled, and then started forward again.
Suddenly the company of Cossacks [in this context, anti-Revolutionary mercenaries] galloped rapidly towards us with drawnswords. So, then, it was to be a massacre after all! There was no time forconsideration, for making plans, or giving orders. A cry of alarm arose as theCossacks came down upon us. Our front ranks broke before them, opening toright and left, and down this lane the soldiers drove their horses, striking onboth sides. I saw the swords lifted and falling, the men, women and childrendropping to the earth like logs of wood, while moans, curses and shouts filledthe air. It was impossible to reason in the fever of this crisis. At my order thefront rows formed again in the wake of the Cossacks, who penetrated fartherand farther, and at last emerged from the end of the procession.
Again we started forward, with solemn resolution and rising rage in ourhearts. The Cossacks turned their horses and began to cut their way throughthe crowd from the rear. They passed through the whole column and gallopedback towards the Narva Gate, where—the infantry having opened their ranksand let them through—they again formed line. We were still advancing,though the bayonets raised in threatening rows seemed to point symbolicallyto our fate. A spasm of pity filled my heart, but I felt no fear. Before westarted, my dear friend, the workman K—, had said to me, 'We are going togive your life as a sacrifice.' So be it!
We were not more than thirty yards from the soldiers, being separatedfrom them only by the bridge over the Tarakanovskii Canal, which here marksthe border of the city, when suddenly, without any warning and without amoment's delay, was heard the dry crack of many rifle-shots. I was informed later on that a bugle was blown, but we could not hear it above the singing,and even if we had heard it we should not have known what it meant.
Vasiliev, with whom I was walking hand in hand, suddenly left hold of myarm and sank upon the snow. One of the workmen who carried the bannersfell also. Immediately one of the two police officers to whom I had referredshouted out, 'What are you doing? How dare you fire upon the portrait of theTsar?' This, of course, had no effect, and both he and the other officer wereshot down—as I learned afterwards, one was killed and the other dangerouslywounded.
I turned rapidly to the crowd and shouted to them to lie down, and I alsostretched myself out upon the ground. As we lay thus another volley was fired,and another, and yet another, till it seemed as though the shooting wascontinuous. The crowd first kneeled and then lay flat down, hiding their heads from the rain of bullets, while the rear rows of the procession began to runaway. The smoke of the fire lay before us like a thin cloud, and I felt itstiflingly in my throat. An old man named Lavrentiev, who was carrying the
Tsar's portrait, had been one of the first victims. Another old man caught theportrait as it fell from his hands and carried it till he too was killed by the nextvolley. With his last gasp the old man said, 'I may die, but I will see the Tsar.'One of the banner-carriers had his arm broken by a bullet. A little boy of ten
years, who was carrying a church lantern, fell pierced by a bullet, but still heldthe lantern tightly and tried to rise again, when another shot struck him down.Both the blacksmiths who had guarded me were killed, as well as all those who werecarrying the icons and banners; and all these emblems now lay scattered on thesnow. The soldiers were actually shooting into the courtyards of the adjoininghouses, where the crowd tried to find refuge and, as I learned afterwards,bullets even struck persons inside, through the windows.
At last the firing ceased. I stood up with a few others who remaineduninjured and looked down at the bodies that lay prostrate around me. I criedto them, ’Stand up!’ But they lay still. I could not at first understand. Why didthey lie there? I looked again, and saw that their arms were stretched outlifelessly, and I saw the scarlet stain of blood upon the snow. Then Iunderstood. It was horrible. And my Vasiliev lay dead at my feet.
Horror crept into my heart. The thought flashed through my mind, ’Andthis is the work of our Little Father, the Tsar.’ Perhaps this anger saved me, fornow I knew in very truth that a new chapter was opened in the book of thehistory of our people. I stood up, and a little group of workmen gatheredround me again. Looking backward, I saw that our line, though still stretchingaway into the distance, was broken and that many of the people were fleeing.It was in vain that I called to them, and in a moment I stood there, the centreof a few scores of men, trembling with indignation amid the broken ruins ofour movement.
Bolsheviks Seize Power in Russia – Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1917)
During World War I, Czar Nicolas II of Russia abdicated and a provisional government tookover. Promised social reforms did not occur, though, as the Russian economy slumped underthe weight of the war effort. On November 7, 1917, the Bolsheviks, led by Vladimir IlyichLenin, overthrew Alexander Kerensky’s provisional government at Petrograd (St. Petersburg).The Bolsheviks then laid the foundation for a socialist state. The following proclamationwritten by Bolshevik leader Lenin formalized the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks inRussia.
THE YEAR 1917
TO WORKERS, SOLDIERS AND PEASANTS!
The Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’Deputies has opened. The vast majority of the Soviets are represented at theCongress. A number of delegates from the Peasants’ Soviets are also present.
The mandate of the compromising Central Executive Committee hasterminated. Backed by the will of the vast majority of the workers, soldiers andpeasants, backed by the victorious uprising of the workers and the garrisonwhich has taken place in Petrograd, the Congress takes power into its own hands.
The Provisional Government has been overthrown. The majority of themembers of the Provisional Government have already been arrested.The Soviet Government will propose an immediate democratic peace to allthe nations and an immediate armistice on all fronts. It will secure the transferof the land of the landed proprietors, the crown and the monasteries to thepeasant committees without compensation; it will protect the rights of thesoldiers by introducing complete democracy in the army; it will establishworkers’ control over production; it will ensure the convocation of the Constituent Assembly at the time appointed; it will see to it that bread issupplied to the cities and prime necessities to the villages; it will guarantee allthe nations inhabiting Russia the genuine right to self-determination.
The Congress decrees: all power in the localities shall pass to the Soviets ofWorkers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, which must guarantee genuinerevolutionary order.
The Congress calls upon the soldiers in the trenches to be vigilant andfirm. The Congress of Soviets is convinced that the revolutionary army will beable to defend the revolution against all attacks of imperialism until such timeas the new government succeeds in concluding a democratic peace, which it will propose directly to all peoples. The new government will do everything tofully supply the revolutionary army, by means of a determined policy ofrequisitions and taxation of the propertied classes, and also will improve thecondition of soldiers’ families.
The Kornilov men—Kerensky, Kaledin and others—are attempting to bring troops against Petrograd. Several detachments, whom Kerensky hadmoved by deceiving them, have come over to the side of the insurgent people.
SOLDIERS, ACTIVELY RESIST KERENSKY THE KORNILOVITE! BE ON YOURGUARD!
RAILWAYMEN, HOLD UP ALL TROOP TRAINS DISPATCHED BY KERENSKY AGAINST PETROGRAD!
SOLDIERS, WORKERS IN FACTORY AND OFFICE, THE FATE OF THEREVOLUTION AND THE FATE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PEACE IS IN YOUR HANDS!
LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION!
The All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.
The Delegates from the Peasants' Soviets.
Defense of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat – V.I. Lenin (1919)
In this speech delivered in 1919, Communist leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin defended hisCommunist "dictatorship of the proletariat" in Russia against charges that it wasundemocratic. Lenin’s critics’ basic argument was that the working classes in Russia were repressing the middle and upper classes in the name of equality. Lenin countered that the only way to ensure permanent equality was through a period of dictatorial rule by the revolutionary class. He tried to turn the tables on his critics by claiming that Westerndemocracies were in fact not democratic.
The growth of the revolutionary movement of the proletariat in allcountries has called forth convulsive efforts of the bourgeoisie, and itsagents in workmen’s organizations, to find ideal political arguments in defenseof the rule of the exploiters. Among these arguments stands out particularlycondemnation of dictatorship and defense of democracy. The falseness andhypocrisy of such an argument, which has been repeated in thousands of formsin the capitalist press and at the conference of the yellow International inFebruary 1919, Berne, are evident to all who have not wished to betray thefundamental principle of socialism.
First of all, this argument is used with certain interpretations of"democracy in general" and "dictatorship in general" without raising the pointas to which class one has in mind. Such a statement of the question, leavingout of consideration the question of class as though it were a general nationalmatter, is direct mockery of the fundamental doctrine of socialism, namely,the doctrine of class struggle, which the socialists who have gone over to theside of the bourgeoisie recognize when they talk, but forget when they act. Forin no civilized capitalist country does there exist "democracy in general," butthere exists only bourgeois democracy, and one is speaking not of "dictatorshipin general" but of dictatorship of theoppressed classes, that is, of theproletariat with respect to the oppressors and exploiters, that is, the bourgeoisie, in order to overcome the resistance which the exploiters make in their struggle to preserve their rule.
History teaches that no oppressed class has ever come into power, andcannot come into power, without passing through a period of dictatorship,that is, the conquest of power and the forcible suppression of the mostdesperate and mad resistance which does not hesitate to resort to any crimes, such has always been shown by the exploiters. The bourgeoisie, whose rule isnow defended by the socialists who speak against "dictatorship in general" andwho espouse the cause of "democracy in general," has won power in theprogressive countries at the price of a series of uprisings, civil wars, forciblesuppression of kings, feudal lords, and slave owners, and of their attempts atrestoration. The socialists of all countries in their books and pamphlets, in theresolutions of their congresses, in their propaganda speeches, have explained tothe people thousands and millions of times the class character of thesebourgeois revolutions, and of this bourgeois dictatorship. Therefore thepresent defense of bourgeois democracy in the form of speeches about"democracy in general," and the present wails and shouts against thedictatorship of the proletariat in the form of wails about "dictatorship ingeneral," are a direct mockery of socialism, and represent in fact going over tothe bourgeoisie and denying the right of the proletariat to its own proletariat revolution, and a defense of bourgeois reformism, precisely at the historicmoment when bourgeois reformism is collapsing the world over, and when thewar has created a revolutionary situation.