Conflicting Selves and the Role of Possessions: Exploring Transgenders'

Self-Identity Conflict

Short abstract

What can transgenders tell us about the role possessions play in the formation, development, and resolution of the conflict between different selves? Using this extreme example of identity conflict, we identified five stages of conflict resolution, each of which involved possessions in varied and sometimes contradictory ways. This research contributes to the overarching theory of the extended self and the study of identity-conflict.

Conflicting Selves and the Role of Possessions: Exploring Transgenders'

Self-Identity Conflict

Extended abstract

While the notion of possessions as an extension of the self has received extensive research attention (e.g. Belk 1988; Hirschman and Labarbera 1990), most of the literature has focused on possessions as reflecting a holistic self or specific aspects of the self (e.g., uniqueness). However, according to Erikson (1956), conflicts between different aspects of their self-identity are experienced by all individuals throughout their lifetime. Though some argue thatpossessions play an important role in cases of self-conflict (Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton 1981), there have been very few studies on this subject. Taking a qualitativeapproach, this study seeks to understand the role possessions play in the formation, development, coping and resolution of the conflict between different selves using an extreme example of gender identity conflict--transgendersim.

Since gender is one of the most defining characteristics of the self (Gagne, Tewksbury and McGaughey 1997; Rudacille 2006), incongruencey between gender identity and one’s genital configuration leads to a gender identity conflict. The establishment of gender identity occurs during early childhood, becomes an internalized aspect of one’s self and is virtually immutable. Transgender people experience a gender identity conflict which compels them to develop an alternative gender identity and enact a gender presentation that does not coincide with their sex (Gagne et al. 1997). In this study, using grounded theory analysis and interpretation of five in-depth, unstructured interviews with male-to-female transgenders, we explore the way transgenders utilize material possessions in negotiating their gender conflict. We assert that insights gathered from these extreme cases of self-conflict can educate us about more common or usual behaviors (Katz 1998).

The formation of an alternative gender identity requires transgenders to cross over either temporarily or permanently from one sex/gender category to another (Gagne et al. 1997; Lev 2004). In Western society, dominated by the binary perceptions of gender, the act of crossing over challenges the cultural and structural social order, exposing the personto social sanctions. Several multiple stage developmental models have been used to describe this process, building on Erikson's (1956) social development theory.

Our findings are consistent with Gagne et al.'s (1997) integrative model. In its first stage, conflict emergence,our informants experienced transgendered feelings, but have not labeled them as such. This stage occurs during childhood, and our informants reported feeling that something was wrong with them (Bockting and Coleman 2007; Katz 1998). The gendered meaning of possessions (such as clothing and toys) raised their feelings to the level of conscious awareness. Possessions also defined the boundaries of socially accepted behaviors. While using possessions the “wrong way” (e.g., a boy wearing a skirt) resulted in acts of correction or punishment from others in an attempt to address the “problem”, at the same time they allowed the informants to engage in initial cross-gender socialization.

Identity exploration, the second stage, involved an extensive information search in an effort to label the source of the conflict as well as reach out to similar others. Our informants reported building a parallel world that enabled them to practice the performance of their new identity. Possessions (e.g., a secret cosmetics box) helped them segregate their conflicting identities, and thus, minimize and control their conflict.

In the third stage, coming out to one’s self, our informants coped with and internalized the meaning of their new transgender identity (“this is who I am”). Possessions played different roles in the variety of coping strategies utilized (Lazarus and Folkman 1984) such as denial (dressing like their original sex), acceptance (dressing according to their alternative gender identity), and self-control (keeping their alternative gendered possessions private). However, in order to resolve the conflict, transgerders had to accept and build their alternative gender identity and develop its public presentation (“to pass").

In the fourth stage, coming out to others, the participants disclosed their transgender identity to significant others (spouses, family, friends), and often experienced rejection as a result (Lev 2004). Passing in this stage was not enough for them as they felt the need to present a convincing public image of cross-gender identity. As part of the new self, possessions were presented as embedded in the new gender identity.

Striving to find their “true” identity, most of our informants reached the final stage of conflict resolution. They explored various identities in an attempt to achieve a coherent identity in which transgenderism was only a part. Decisions regarding to what extent to cross over (e.g., have full surgery, just take hormones, etc.) were made in order to finalize their private and public identity. Possessions were no longer perceived as a means to project gender identity but as a means to express a new congruent self-identity.

Our study can be viewed in the context of the over arching theory of the extended self. The findings indicate that a person’s process of dealing with self-conflict is reflected in the use of possessions. As the conflict evolves, the role of possessions changes. They surface the conflict to the level of consciousness, are part of the coping process, and reflect the conflict's resolution and the eventual formation of a new self-identity. We posit that our findings can be generalized to many other self-conflicts such as those involving athleticism, overt sexiness, and class affiliation, thereby contributing to the literatures on transgenders and the extended self.

References

Belk, Russell W. (1988), “Possessions and the extended self,” Journal of Consumer Research, 14 (September), 139-168.

Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly and Eugene Rochberg-Halton (1981), The Meaning of Things: Domestic Symbols and the Self. Cambridge University Press

Erikson, Erik H. (1968), Identity: Youth and Crisis. New York: Norton.

Gagne, Patricia, Richard Tewksbury and Deanna McGaughey (1997), “Coming out and crossing over: Identity formation of proclamation in the transgender community,” Gender and Society, 11(4), 478-508.

Hirschman, Elizabeth C. and Pricilla A. Labarbera (1990), “Dimensions of possession importance,” Psychology and Marketing, 7(3), 215-233.

Katz, Steven M. (1998), TwentyMillion New Customers: Understanding Gay Men’s Consumer Behavior. New York: The Haworth Press,.

Lazarus, Richard S. and Susan Folkman (1984), Stress, Appraisal, and Coping. New York: Springer.

Lev, Arlene (2004), Transgender Emergence: Therapeutic Guidelines for Working with Gender-Variant People and Their Families. New York: The Haworth Clinical Practice Press.

Rudacille, Deborah (2006), The Riddle of Gender: Science, Activism, and Transgender Rights, New York: Pantheon.

Conflicting Selves and the Role of Possessions: Exploring Transgenders'

Self-Identity Conflict

The meaning of possessions as part of the extended self has long been established in the consumer behavior literature (e.g. Belk 1988; 1992; 2010; Hirschman and Labarbera 1990; Kleine and Baker 2004; Richins 1994). The underlying assumption of the concept of the extended self is that the individual has an atomized self that radiates out into the world by means of tangible objects and consumption rituals (Belk 2010). Studies from this perspective have generally focused on the meaning of possessions as reflecting an holistic self or specific aspects of the self. However, as Erikson (1968) note, all individuals experience conflicts between different aspects of their self-identity throughout their lifetime. Though some argue that possessions play an important role in cases of self-conflict (Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton 1981; Kates 2004; Tian and Belk 2005), there has been very little research on this subject. This ethnographic study explores the role possessions play in the formation, development, coping and resolution of conflict between different selves using an extreme instance of self-conflict--gender identity.

Gender is one of the most defining characteristics of the self (Gagné, Tewksbury and McGaughey 1997) and when it’s not congruent with one’sgenital configuration, it inflicts a gender identity conflict. Those who experience a gender identity conflict oftendevelop an alternative genderidentity and enact a gender presentation that does not coincide with their sex. Such people are identified by the medical community as well as self-identified as transgenders (Gagné et al. 1997). Our study is built on grounded theory analysis and interpretation of eight in-depth interviews with transgenders people (Corbin and Strauss 1990). We assert that insights gathered from this extreme example of self-conflict can educate us about more common or usual behaviors (Kates1998), especially ones who associate with negative social stigma. By unraveling the active role possessions take in the evolution of self-conflict, the paper’s contribution is not only to the theories of extended-self, self-conflict, and transgenderism, but also more broadly to an understanding of the strategic use of possessions in self presentation.

Possessions as an extension of the conflict between the selves

The idea that individuals use material goods in order to convey their self-identity has become a fundamental tenet in the marketing literature (Belk 1988). Following Belk’s seminal work, studies have demonstrated the symbolic power of possessions that goes beyond their basic functional utilities or monetary value (e.g., Hirschman and Labarbera 1990; Kleine and Baker 2004;Richins 1994). Nevertheless, while these studies broaden our understanding of the role possessions play in reflecting one’s identity, they were mostly guided by the notion that the individual has a core self-identity. Theories of self-identity postulate that a person has more than one identity and that these identities may conflict with each other (e.g. Freud 1900; Markus and Nurius 1986). Erikson (1968) in his theory on social development acknowledged that a person may experience identity fragmentation and practice different identities, which might lead to an identity crisis.According to Erikson, an identity crisis is a time of intensive analysis and exploration of different ways of looking at self in an attempt to reconstruct a new identity.

The notion that possessions play an important role in cases of conflict between selves has received initial support from studies that focus on possessions as self-extensions. Tian and Belk (2005), for example, explored individuals’ self-presentation in their workplace. They reported that workers decorate their work spaces with items that reflect their conflicting loyalties between their workplace and their family selves. Kates (1998),study on gay consumption, reported that the informants kept the possessions associated with their gay identity separate from those of their “normal” public identity. Kates viewed this behavior as a symbolic segregation indicative of the conflict between identities.Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton (1981) posited that the symbolic power of possessions enables them to mediate conflict within the self, based ontheir deeper meaning. Despite these initial insights regarding the role possessions play in the identity-conflict process, these studies did not address the latent meaning of possessionsexplicitly.

Transgenderism – a case of conflict between selves

The term “transgender” refers to those who have internalized an alternative gender identity and choose to enact an alternative gender presentation (Gagné et al.1997). This definition implies that the individual has a “base-line” genderidentity but s/he voluntarily “transitions” to another genderidentity (Lev 2004). In Western culture the “base-line” genderidentity is determined by the physical genital configuration of the body and is performed in a social manner. Since identity is constructed within social norms, individuals are expected to enact gender in ways that are socially recognizable and acceptable (Gagné et al. 1997). The formation of genderidentity is a normative process experienced by everyone and influenced by social norms (Lev 2004). Those who fail to enact a genderpresentation that is consistent with their physical configuration are often considered “deviants” from what is considered “normal” and “natural” (Gagné et al. 1997).

The literature on transgender individuals focuses on the processesthrough which transgenders resolve their genderidentity conflict as a “transgender emergence” or a “coming-out” process (Gagné et al. 1997; Lev 2004). Building on research focused on the “coming-out” process of gaysand lesbians(e.g., Kates 1998), these studies focus on the formation of the new alternative gender identity of transgenders. However, transgenders face the added challenge of not just “coming out” but also of “crossing over,” either temporarily or permanently, from one sex/gender category to another (Gagné et al. 1997; Lev 2004). In Western society, dominated by the binary perception of gender, the act of crossing-over challenges the cultural and structural social order, exposing the transgendered person to social sanctions (Ettner et al. 2007).

Building on Erikson's (1968) social development theory, several multiple stage models have been used to describe the act of crossing-over. Although these models vary in the number of stages they envision, they all reflect the influence of social surroundings on the development of the new genderidentity (Erikson 1968). Theydiscuss the conflict that accompanies the process of emergence from a clinical, therapeutic and medical perspective. Nevertheless, they still provide us with a useful theoretical framework for understanding the conflict. Integrating these models, we propose a five-stage model that includes: conflict emergence, negotiating identities – exploration of one’s self, acceptance - coming out to one’s self, sharing one’s new identity - coming out to others, and identity resolution. We will discuss the role possessions play in each of these stages.

METHOD

Data generation and sample - A total of eight interviews with transgender research participants, seven male-to-females(MtoF) and one female-to-male(FtoM),were conducted over the course of a year. Some of the interviews were conducted in public places (e.g., restaurants), while others were conducted in the privacy of the participants' homes. The interviews ranged in length from one hour to three and a half hours. The interviews focused on the meaning of possessions and other consumption rituals as part of their conflict development and resolution.

Data interpretation - The interviews were transcribed and were read by both authors several times, identifying narrative themes from the collective text (Hirschman 1992) that illustrate the role of possessions and consumption rituals in the gender conflict experienced by our informants. The themes that emerged were organized and presented within the context of the coming out process of transgender participant.

RESULTS

Whilepresenting the conflict development in stages might suggest that itis alinear process,it should be noted that our informants moved back and forth between stages, skipped stages,or failed to complete the process and reach a resolution (Ettner et al. 2007; Lev 2004).

Stage 1: Conflict Emergence

Conflict emergence refers to the period when the individual transgendered person first experiences an awareness of his or her identity incongruence, but has not yet labeled these feelings. In the case of transgenderism, there is a discrepancy between the physical configuration of the body and the psychological structuring of gender identity. As Ember, described it: “I felt very strange…At a very young age I felt that I wasn’t like other boys. ... I had not yet said to myself that I was a girl, but I told myself that I was something very special”.

At this stage, this discrepancy causes profound discomfort and confusion about the person’sbirth sex and what it means.Nancytold us, “It’s a very clear understanding that you are not in the right place.” For transgender individuals, the failure to conform to societal values and norms associated with their biological sex leads to feelings of being inherently defective and different (Bockting and Coleman 2007; Gangé and Tewksbury 1999). Most of our informants reported that they felt as if something was wrong with them and that they did not “fit in” (Bockting and Coleman 2007; Kates 1998). They felt shame, fear, confusion and alienation as a result of living in a world that ignored or refused to acknowledge their authentic identity.

Gender-identity conflict often emerges during childhood, when children incorporate the social norms and perceptions about gender into their self-identity (Gagné et al. 1997; Lev 2004). “It was clear to me that...a boy couldn’t be a girl and a girl couldn’t be a boy,” said May, remembering her childhood perceptions. The Western binary perception of gender leaves no room for variation, and any behavior that is not aligned with the social view of the gendered manifestation of the self is considered “deviant.” “In our society, you have no choice and you have to be what you were born to” (Shannon).

For children, possessions such as clothing and toys play an important role in this gendered initiation process, as possessions are expressions of gender and signify maleness or femaleness (Gagné et al. 1997). The gendered meaning of possessions helps them bring their feelings to the level of conscious awareness, causing children to experience the conflict on an emotional level. Our informants reported making deliberate consumption choices that were incongruent with the environmental perceptions of the normal gendered behaviors expected from them. As Emberrecalled; “I started wearing more tight clothes. The kind of clothes that boys would clearly not wear. Also clothing in colors that guys don’t wear”.

Society expects children to conform to their assigned gender roles. Appropriately gendered possessions and consumption behavior define the boundaries of socially accepted behaviors. Children learn that using possessions the “wrong way” will result in an act of correction or even punishment from others. Those who refuse to conform and choose to act out their “true selves” run the risk of outright rejection and contempt from others (Bockting and Coleman 2007), as Ember remembered: “The boys … some of them were actually were afraid of me. They thought I could infect them with femininity or something like that, as if they hung around with me, they too would turn into women. And some of them just made fun of me”.