Poacher Turned Gamekeeper
Poacher turned gamekeeper
Dave Beck, University of Glasgow, Scotland
Colin Callahan, Govan Addiction Services Project, Glasgow, Scotland
Paper presented at SCUTREA, 31st Annual Conference, 3-5 July 2001, University of East London
THIS paper seeks to explore the journey of one man from leaving school at the age of fourteen through a period of chaotic drug use and on to developing a career helping chaotic drug users back into a 'normal' life through education and employment; it exposes issues that underlie the experiences of many learners within working class communities.
The context of this journey is an inner city area of Glasgow, within which only 7% of school leavers progress onto Higher Education as opposed to 17% for Glasgow as a whole and 30% for Scotland (Audit Unit HM Inspector Of Schools 1999). It appears that the community's learning aspirations are very clearly circumscribed.
In tracing this journey we will explore the failure of the school, community based education/development and how that links with the world of Higher education and Freirean Education which informed some of the respondent's educational experiences and his current practice. Finally we will consider his current practice as an example of a Peer-Educative process.
School
Three main elements contributed to the respondent not thriving in school - the culture of the community, peer influences and the beliefs and practices of the school.
The culture of the community was such that the connection between working hard at school and going onto a good job was never made either by parents or teachers (Kinder et al 1999) and therefore not picked up by the respondent. This was partly because low skilled jobs were relatively abundant at that time and the expectation was that a job would be secured and that educational qualifications would have no bearing on that. In fact this proved to be the case since the respondent was able to secure employment straight from school even though he had no qualifications. However, the employment was short lived which is in accord with the pattern seen by OECD in 1998.
Paradoxically, the existence of many unemployed people within the community also undermined the motivation to work at school. The respondent knew many people who were living a reasonably happy and comfortable lives on the dole and this represented yet another career path which required no academic qualification.
The respondent was very clear that his community affected his attitudes towards school unlike pupils in Merseyside who felt that the neighbourhood had no effect on their attitude towards school (Kinder et al 1999). This may be due to their lack of criticality in their thinking where they internalise their failure (Freire 1972). The respondent's critical reflection on his life through education perhaps gave him a more ecological viewpoint, which recognises the discordant fit between people and their social and physical environments (Bostock and Beck 1993).
In school he was unable to express interest in any subjects for fear of being bullied and ostracised by his peers.
One incident in particular typifies this dilemma. After staying off school for several months he was forced to return to class on the day an English exam was being held. When the results were given the following week, the teacher made a great show of the fact that the respondent had produced an excellent piece of work for which he was given 94%. He had been 'made to look clever in front of the neds'. Although he didn't want to be part of the ned world - his tactic for survival had been to keep a low profile - this incident made him look as if he was better than them. As a result it was safer to stay away from school. The neds' response echoes Freezer's (1972) 'fear of freedom'. Someone else's success proves that the oppressor's reality of living is not the only one that exists. This therefore means that they could also change if they wanted to.
Finally there was the impact of teachers and the school regime itself. In Primary school he had a teacher whom he felt he could trust; she saw through boisterous behaviour and saw the real him. It felt as if there was a human bond and not just a functional, teacher/pupil one. The secondary was very different. His recollections of teachers were that they kept attention with the belt rather than by making the subject matter of interest to the pupils. He remembered some teachers being drunk. However the most basic discord stemmed from a clash of cultures. The school was middle-class in approach language and ethos(Elliot 1996, Bernstein 1975) The upshot of all of this was that he settled into a pattern of non-attendance at school. He went through the pretence of getting up in the morning and going out to school. When his father left for work, he would return and spend the day at home. This was a very comfortable existence. He knew he was not thick, he could read and write, and there were no challenges. Parental collusion is also a factor here, only when a truancy officer was involved did the parent insist the respondent went to school. Parental influence is also a factor, which shapes attitudes to school.
Since the causes of this lack of thriving and truant behaviour are many, a multi-strand response is required (Morris et al 1999). This could include targeted outreach work; focus on the individual, perhaps using mentoring schemes; inter-agency work, which provides alternatives to mainstream curriculum; and the provision of clear, individually negotiated progression routes; as well as radically reviewing the mismatch between the culture of the school and that of the community.
Drugs
The journey into drug addiction is a long and complex one: 'you don't just wake up one morning and decide to be a drug addict' (Burroughs 1969:11).
The process
The respondent's experience of the journey towards heroin addiction was the use of glue, pills and alcohol in early teens to the use of cannabis, sniffing of heroin and eventually the regular injecting of heroin. He felt at every stage that he could stop if he wanted to- he just did not want to. In fact heroin addiction only became problematic after he became redundant some two years after he had become addicted. Up until that point he had been able to support his habit through his wages and some black market activities.
The attraction
The experience of taking drugs is a pleasant one in itself - at least initially- but that is not the only thing that keeps the habit going. There is a strong sense of community generated by this common experience, which sets them outside the rest of society. The esoteric language, image and lifestyle had a hold on the respondent long after the chemical dependency had been dealt with.
In the latter stages of addiction, drugs become the dominant force in every aspect of life. It takes the place of career; giving purpose and shape to the day - wake up do some shop lifting, sell the goods, score the drugs, get stoned.
It defines who you will spend time with 'part of a community of strangers' although primarily loners joined by this common obsession.
Given all of the above recovery programmes, which concentrate solely on the chemical dependency, are surely doomed to poor results. With nothing to fill the gap drugs win by default (Burroughs 1969).
Stopping
Prison provided an opportunity to stop or at least reduce drug-taking on a regular but temporary basis. It provided a safe place where the pressure was off for a while but did not provide long-term motivation to kick the habit altogether. This contradicts the findings of a Council of Europe Public Health study (1980) that saw prison as a motivating force to stop using drugs.
In the end it was a variety of internal and external factors which came together to produce that motivation. Firstly, the respondent felt 'worn down' physically and emotionally by the lifestyle. He also felt bad about himself - the life of a 'career drug addict' was one which forced you to do things that you are deeply ashamed of. Finally, he saw his peers, at the age of 28, doing well in life and he was not. It was at this time that he came upon a methadone programme.
Although initially attracted by 'free drugs', this became the trigger for a major turnaround in his life.
He hoped methadone would stabilise things for him - he still did not want to stop taking drugs. However, after a couple of months he began to realise that there was an opportunity for him to live drug-free and achieve something better in his life. And so it can be seen that despite some negative experiences of maintenance programmes (Council of Europe 1980) they can in some instances provide a springboard back into 'normal' life. This is in line with developments in Glasgow to support, with caution, the development of methadone prescribing programmes (Greater Glasgow Drug Action Team 1999) The Council of Europe Public Health report(1980) suggests that recovery from drug addiction is a linear process marked by appropriate interventions at each stage- medical then psychological then social. It seems clear from the respondent that it is a far less neat process and in fact all three of these elements must come together to affect change.
Community-based education and community development
Henderson (1995) highlights an aspect of the Community Development approach - community service approaches- as being particularly appropriate in the delivery of services to people recovering from addiction. Its features are it is: needs based; participative; and inter-organisational.
This approach works particularly well alongside adult and informal education initiatives, not only at the level of the individual but it also develops 'the community's collective understanding of the problems' and therefore their ability to engage usefully in the debates and responses to local drug issues (Barr et al 1995) The respondent's first contact with community-based education was through a chance conversation with his partner's sister who was the cleaner in the local community centre. She had been thinking of joining a childcare and crèche work course run by Community Education. He felt that he had nothing to lose, 'no penalty to benefits, not formal and didn't need to disclose anything about my past life - just turn up'. It was also a short course, which meant no long-term commitment. And so they went together.
The course was held in the community centre. It was a very small group - 8 women - but he felt quite comfortable even though he was the only man there. The initial session was the key to the success of the course. Even though everyone felt a bit uncomfortable they talked about their experience. It was stressed that everyone has valuable experience. Within a week or two of completion he got paid sessional crèche work. This period allowed him to ground what he had learned in practice and to observe and discuss work with qualified and experienced workers.
His next step was to join a Basic Youth Leadership course. It felt like the next logical step and there was the suggestion that sessional work might be available on successful completion of the course. He reports the major turning point of the course: 'I asked a question about positive stroking - what is that? No one else asked and I assumed that they all knew. I asked the question got the explanation and said 'why don't you just say that'. Lots of other people said thanks for asking we didn't know either. Grew in confidence and now always ask questions'.
- The initial motivation for the journey was dissatisfaction with current lifestyle. Thereafter the key features of the process were:
- a relational introduction and a collective response - he heard about the programme from and went with a friend
- local provision
- educational approach which values the learners experience
- short term commitment initially required
- immediate application of new skills and opportunity to link theory to practice
- hanged status through employment
- clear progression opportunities
opportunities to challenge existing knowledge and practices
Freirean education
The next stage in the respondent's journey was a year-long programme that linked paid work and completion of the Certificate in Community Work at the University of Glasgow.
This project was informed by the work of Paulo Freire (1972). McLaren and Leonard (1993) outline ten key values which underpin the Freirean approach to education. What follows, is the respondent's reflections, in his own words, on the outworking of some of those values three years after going through the programme.
Situated
The course material was situated in student thought and language beginning with their words and understanding of the material and relating back to their, material conditions.
We were invited to think about our lives, read and analyse newspapers and talk about our experience of oppression. This meant moving from one sub-cultural use of language and values to another; from the familiar, comfortable and well practised to the uncertainty, risk and insecurity that comes through change.
Democratic
Students have equal speaking rights as well as the right to design and evaluate the curriculum.
Initially, equality was felt amongst fellow students, fostered by a strong affinity with the local community and shared values. However, in joint sessions with a different group of students the gulf in experience created a fear of speaking freely, which highlighted lack of confidence within the group. This could have been a barrier to learning.
However, in general the learning group enabled me to create an environment in which to develop and link theoretical knowledge to practice and to take responsibility for shaping my future career.
Dialogic
The basic format of the class is concerned with problems posed by teachers and learners.
This model of dialogical exploration was non threatening, challenging, inclusive and conducive to my own personal learning needs. This style focussed more on the process of the journey between (a) and (b), through asking questions, challenging perceptions, critical analysis and awareness of the issues up for discussion. 'In Dialogical action the educational process reunites ourselves with the world. Yes, we have been shaped by our social context, but in naming and understanding that context we are in a position collectively to reshape it and ourselves.' (Price 1997-8)
Desocialisation
There is a transformation of the socialised roles of learners as passive and authority dependant and teachers as dull and domineering.
My experience of school served as an inoculation against any future aspirations of participating in formal education but the cultural differences between school and Freirean Education changed my perception of learning.
School was about: being collectively labelled; individual learning needs not being recognised; no choice in decisions; prescribed curriculum; peer pressure to conform; and banking without explanation Freirean Education was about: the liberation of being an individual; individual learning needs catered for; participation in decision-making process; increased personal responsibility; working in partnership to negotiate the curriculum; peer support for learning; exercising choice; being invited to challenge; and focus on process rather than outcome.
Multicultural
It takes a critical attitude towards discrimination and inequality and examines the cultures of dominant and nondominant groups.
As a starting point to becoming critically aware, previously unrecognised feelings of oppression were identified and explored; it is then impossible to ignore your own discriminatory attitudes and behaviour. This was a difficult learning experience.
Activist
The learning experience is active through problem posing. It also envisages that action is the end product of educational exchange.
In adopting this new value base and belief system, which encourages critical thinking and self-awareness of your own position in society, the natural progression is to challenge, ask questions, reason, search for solutions.
Affective
The problem-posing dialogic method embraces the affective as well as cognitive domains. Using dialogical methods facilitated issue based discussion and promoted sharing of personal experiences, both practical and emotional. However, what must be taken into account is the depth of personal feelings, anxieties, fears and conflicts, which were exposed. This requires sensitive facilitation and great awareness of the implications of the empowerment process.
Peer education
The respondent now works in a project that aims to help recovering drug addicts to access the world of education and employment. Given his experience, which was common to that of the clients, his work can be understood in terms of a peer-educative model. Michael Shiner and Tim Newburn (1996) outline effectiveness of this approach, which springs from the fact that the peer educator can identify with and, to some extent work to the values of the sub-culture. Their credibility with the client group is based on shared experience and identity. However, that commonality on its own is not enough, he has to be seen to have gone on from that - have something to say that the clients do not already know. In this way the peer educator can act as a model of a new social norm and thereby effect lasting change within the client group.