Peter D. Sutherland

Special Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations for Migration and Development

Address to the

International Eucharistic Congress

June 2012

A CONSTRUCTIVE ATTITUDE TO MIGRATION IS A MORAL ISSUE

I submit to you that the greatest challenge we face today is also our oldest one: How to live well together. It harkens back to the very essence of the ancient Greek concept of koinonia, which is at the heart of Christian theology. It harkens back too to the fundamental values of the dignity of man and the equality of man which are at the heart of Christianity. The Sacrament of the Eucharist is the Sacrament of unity because by eatingof the same cup and of the same bread we become onebody in Christ. The Eucharist is the cause of unity and the spur to greater unity.

The challenge of living well together, of fostering intimate participation in a civic setting, has always been present. But it has been thrown into sharp relief in recent decades by the speed of change in our societies—especially, but not only, as a result of immigration. There are different degrees of this diversity. There are those immigrants who share the cultural heritage of the host nation in intra-European moves. Others, of course, do not.

Immigrants have long flocked to major urban centers, places like London, New York, and Paris. These cities have evolved to a greater or lesser extent institutions, mores, and narratives that foster integration. But in recent years, newcomers have made their way to communities with little or no historical experience of significant immigration. These cities and towns find themselves contending with diversity for the first time. Even melting pots like London face a degree of diversity that is unprecedented.

At the same time that immigration is throwing more people of different ethnic, religious, and cultural backgrounds into close contact with one another, technology has enabled us all to live wholly separate lives—imprisoned by smart phones and iPads that feed us personalized programmes and often block out the community around us. Meanwhile, darker forces are also at work: political extremists and populists seek to appeal to our basest prejudices in order to propel themselves into power. This is evident in particular in some parts of Europe.

So just at the moment in history when centripetal forces—globalization, immigration—are bringing us all closer together and introducing unprecedented diversity into our communities, we also must contend with the tendency of centrifugal forces like political extremism that push us apart. This is both a threat and an opportunity.

The threat is obvious: divided communities, alienation, insecurity. The opportunity might be less apparent, but it is an extraordinary one: We have the chance to re-imagine and rebuild our communities. To do so, we need to reinvent the common space in our societies so that we can once again pursue common projects, show solidarity with one another, and restore faith in a shared future.

This brings me to the idea of koinonia. In its most basic form, of course, eucharistic koinonia refers to communion with one another in the one body of Christ.

But considered more broadly, koinonia—which appears nineteen times in the Greek New Testament—is a complex and rich Greek approach to building community. Put simply, it implies communion by intimate participation. English translations of the New Testament barely do it justice, invoking “fellowship,” sharing,” “participation,” and “contribution.” Koinonia is all of these things and more.

Koinoniacreates bonds among neighbours as people share their joy and pains together, and are united by their common experiences and goals. Fellowship trumps individualism and creates a mutual bond, fulfilling the deeply human need for belonging and companionship.

Koinonia fosters sharing and generosity. It holds the idea of joint participation in something with someone, such as in a community or a team. Koinonia highlights a higher purpose that benefits the greater good. The term "enthusiasm" is connected to this meaning ofkoinonia,for it signifies “to be imbued with the Spirit of God in Us."

If you will allow me, I will share with you my thoughts on how society is being changed by immigration, how we are reacting, and what I believe we can do to bring our communities back into greater harmony. My most fundamental conclusion is that technology, globalization, and immigration are changing our societies so quickly that we must reconsider how we define who the “we” is in our communities. In other words redefine who “we” are. The two pre-requisites for achieving this are, first, to have a core set of fundamental values to guide us—as our Christian faith provides—while, second, to develop the means for newcomers to share their values with us. The universality of the Church also should provide it with a particular capacity to confront the nationalism that has disfigured our history particularly in Europe. Indeed in the secular world it is what the European integration process seeks to achieve.

Immigration, of course, is not the only challenge of our times. Among the grave crises we face are those of growing poverty and inequality, the fraying of faith, the rough and tumble of globalization.

Immigration is linked to each of these—in part because immigrants have become scapegoats for the problems created by these other social crises. More positively, the recent influx of immigrants also can be the catalyst that forces us to reorganize ourselves in a way that helps us address many of the major challenges of the 21st century.

And at the heart of our response must be the idea of reinventing the “we” in our societies, of building inclusive communities, and returning to the spirit of koinonia.

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The story of migration in the 21st century is, on one level, the sum total of millions of individual stories—of the efforts of men and women to re-imagine their lives. They are driven by poverty and conflict, by climate change and war. They seek to somehow rekindle the flame of hope that has flickered and died.

But there are also larger forces at play today, ones that are profoundly shaping how and when and where people move. There are the pernicious players in the migration game—the smugglers and traffickers who profit off the flesh of others. There are globalization and the technological revolutions that have knit our world ever so tightly together. And then there is perhaps the largest force of all—demographics.

Allow me to say a few words about this last point—but with a caveat. Demographic projections can be as harmful as they are helpful—and they can be spectacularly wrong. Even in the best, most stable of times, they are unreliable.

Let me give you just one example: In 1955, the UK projected that it’s population in 1993—nearly 40 years into the future—would be 53 million. The actual figure was 5 million more. The forecasters had it wrong because they had not anticipated the baby boom of the 1960’s. So for their 1965 projection, now knowing better, the assumption was made that by 2000 there would be a UK population of 75 million. But birth rates fell; the 2000 population was just 59 million.

If we were to focus on only one set of statistics, in fact, it might make sense to dwell on birth rates. In much of the West today, we have experienced a full generation of fertility rates below the population replacement rate of about 2.1 children per woman. The rates in several countries in southern and eastern Europe have dipped to nearly half the replacement rate—and those countries will see their populations shrink by as much as a quarter by 2050.

Overall in the European Union, the European Commission is now estimating that the working age population will start to shrink in 2013. By 2050—even assuming an influx of 50 million new immigrants between now and then—there will be 40 million fewer people in the EU workforce. In that same period, life expectancy is set to rise by 5 years. The impact on our social welfare systems will be massive, with the dependency ratio cut in half—from 4 workers for every retiree today, to just 2 by 2050. If you were, let us say, Germany and wanted to maintain the current social welfare structure and dependency ratio, you would likely have to welcome 3 million new immigrants. Every year. Between now and 2050.

Here is another example: This year, for the first time in history, the population of retirees in the US is rising faster than the working-age population. A decade ago, when the children of thebaby boomers were coming into the labour force and the small crop of Depression babies was retiring, there were 10 new additions to the labor force forevery new retiree. Ten years from now, those numbers will have flipped—there will be 10 new retirees for every new entrant into the labour force. A sea change like that has the potential to change almost everything about a society.

It is worth noting that the decline in birth rates is not unique to the West. In South Korea, the fertility rate is at 1.1, in Japan at 1.3, and in the city of Shanghai it has fallen below 1, touching 0.9. It appears that young people throughout the world are going on strike and not having children. It is worth considering why this is the case; I imagine it is because we have changed the social contract for the younger generations, and not for the better But we should leave that debate for another time.

Even assuming Western countries do their best to boost the working population through non-migration measures—increasing the workforce participation rates especially of women and minorities; raising the retirement age; promoting larger families—migration will certainly be part of the policy mix. Between now and 2020, the European Commission concludes that 100 million new job openings will occur in the EU—80 million of which will be positions created by the retirement of baby boomers. The number of new jobs in manufacturing will be very small. The vast majority of the positions will be either at the high or low end of the skill spectrum.

While Europe is shrinking, Africa is growing. You might have heard about what demographers call the “youth bulge,” which could lead to Africa’s population reaching 2 billion by 2050. But allow me to highlight a less well-known projection. If education systems in sub-Saharan Africa produce students at the global trend level, by 2050 there will be 500 million working-age sub-Saharan Africans with a secondary or higher education. Today, there are fewer than 100 million. It is worth considering where these well-educated individuals will look for work. By contrast, in Europe today there are 350 million working-age individuals, a number that will fall below 300 million in the next 40 years. This is a fantastically divided demographic world.

Why does all this matter? It implies, quite simply, that forces that are beyond any of us and any one government—and probably even of the combined efforts of many governments—will lead to the continued movement of people across borders for generations to come. I would argue this is a good thing—if managed well—for all involved. A great many people would disagree with me, and would desire to severely restrict or end immigration.

They should be careful what they wish for. On the most basic human level—and in the spirit of koinonia—I believe passionately that living well together with those who are different from us can and should strengthen our societies. It does not come naturally to us. But there are ways in which we can and must make our societies truly inclusive.

And if we fail to build inclusive communities, one day we might find ourselves looking for immigrants—only to discover that they are looking elsewhere. To Brazil and India, China and the emerging economies of Southeast Asia. Because even today, these new frontiers are attracting some of the most ambitious workers our world is producing, people with a higher education and people who simply work hard. They are heading to new El Dorados. And why not? Why should they come to a continent that demonizes and excludes them?

Put another way, our record on living well together is looking quite abysmal.

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In Europe and America, in Russia, South Africa, and South Asia, xenophobia and discrimination are in the ascendant, fuelled in no small part by reactions to immigration. Vicious hate crimes have scarred societies from Norway to France, where this Spring a serial killer targeted both Muslims and Jews—anyone who was different, anyone who was the “Other.” Extreme right-wing political forces have gained footholds in numerous parliaments and the winds of popular support are at their backs.

The anti-immigrant rhetoric has bled into mainstream political discourse. European leaders have forcefully declared that multiculturalism is dead. During this spring’s elections in France, politicians railed against—of all things—halal food. Marie Le Pen of the National Front demanded to know which restaurants in France serve it. President Sarkozy responded by pledging to protect French consumers from unknowingly eating it, took it off of school menus, and called for legislation requiring all meat labels to specify the slaughtering methods. Dutch politician Geert Wilders, whose Freedom Party is informally part of the governing coalition, recently was charged with incitement to hatred against Muslims.

Such attacks on immigration might offer instant political gratification in some quarters, but their net result is to divide societies whose cohesion is already being seriously challenged by the persistent economic crisis. The anti-immigrant ground swell makes it that much harder for minorities and outsiders to access basic services like education, health care, housing, and employment.

And so our societies are cleaved. Communities grow further apart. Alienation trumps reconciliation and brotherhood. The chance for koinonia is lost.

A recent Ipsos MORI poll shows that more than 56% of Europeans believe “there are too many immigrants” in their countries. Over two-thirds felt this way in Belgium, Britain, Italy, and Spain, while majorities did so in Germany, France, and Hungary.

In response to the question “Would you say that immigration has generally had a positive or negative impact?” majorities in all European countries except for Sweden and Poland said the impact has been negative—with Belgium, Britain, Italy, and Spain again leading the way. As a whole, a shockingly low 17.5% of Europeans believed immigration has been positive.

The human toll of these negative attitudes is worth considering. Landlords refuse to rent houses to people of color. Immigrants are subjected to psychological and physical abuse. Employment is denied based on faith or ethnic origin. Police engage in racial profiling. Schools allow teachers to wear symbols of one religion, but not of another. A recent Eurobarometer report found that discrimination on ethnic grounds is considered by 61 percent of respondents to be the most widespread form, whereas 39 percent of respondents considered religious discrimination as prevalent across European countries.

The conditions for Muslims in Europe are especially distressing. The estimated 15-20 million Muslims in Europe are extraordinarily diverse, hailing from a variety of Middle Eastern, African, and Asian countries. Yet they hold one thing in common: negative stereotyping and persistent prejudice against them. The EU Fundamental Rights Agency is alarmed by the high levels of discrimination against Muslims, racially-motivated crimes, and public rallies with anti-Muslim messages.

Many Europeans now perceive Islam as a militant religion incompatible with European values. A recent Pew Research Center survey shows that almost 60% of Europeans believe Muslims are "fanatical" and 50% believe they are "violent.” In response to the question "Which religion is most violent?" 90% of French say Islam, as do 87% of Spaniards, 79% of Germans and 75% of Britons. Meanwhile, in France, anIfop (French Institute of Public Opinion) poll published by Le Mondeshowed that 42% of French citizens consider the presence of a Muslim community in their country to be “a threat” to their national identity.Only 20% of Germans and 30% of French believe that Islam is suitable for the Western world. Significantly, more than 80% of those surveyed in Germany, France, Denmark, Portugal and the Netherlands agree with the statement "that Muslims must adapt to our culture." All of this negativism will be increased by the appalling outrages such as that we have recently witnessed in Toulouse.

The stereotypes of Muslims could hardly be further from the truth. In fact, I would argue that democracy is highly valued across large sections of the Muslim world and amongst European Muslims—and what better proof of this could there be than the Arab spring? Liberty, fairness, equal rights, and democracy are the hallmarks of that movement. The most powerful anti-democratic forces in the Muslim world were the dictators who were too often backed by the democratic West. Most European Muslims do not “hate our way of life,” as the cultural warriors argue. Nor is religion the primary factor of identity for most of them. But, writes the social critic Jonathan Laurence, “The current atmosphere has enhanced a feeling of group stigmatization and a shared sense of injustice where previously few bonds existed. Yet despite the obvious dangers, the tide of restrictions shows little sign of receding. Their pursuit is too electorally rewarding—and too politically risky to oppose.” This is a path on which many politicians find rewards, but it is a slippery slope.