Numsa National Office Bearers (NOB)

OPEN NUMSA RESPONSE TO A SPURIOUS ATTACK ON NUMSA LEADERS AND STRUCTURES COMING FROM A GROUP OF 36 FORMER AND CURRENT NUMSA MEMBERS IN A BENONI MEETING HELD ON 25 MAY 2014

20 June 2014, Johannesburg

Numsa National Office Bearers (NOB)

Preface:

The NUMSA NEC held on 1 June 2014 received a detailed report on how a 25th May 2014 meeting held in Benoni at the Destiny Exclusive hotel was allegedly funded by Mr. Zamani Letjane of Akani Retirement Fund Administrators. From reports received the coordinators or conveners of this meeting involves;

The former Numsa President
A former Numsa Hlanganani Regional Education Officer
A former Numsa Acting National Youth Coordinator now with the SACP
A member of Numsa employed Toyota Durban plant – now a former Numsa Shopsteward, removed by Numsa members through a petition

This calculated attack on Numsa essentially emanates from the disgruntled individuals and their uncomfortability with respect to respect the principle of democratic centralism wherein differing views are debated in the structures of the organisation but once a decision is taken by the majority, the minority must submit themselves to the majority. It of cause follows that in arriving at a majority decision, the constitution would have been followed to the letter and tolerance would have prevailed to allow for open and frank discussions.

There is no shadow of doubt that the process leading up to the December 2013 Numsa Special National Congress and its outcome was the result of a thorough bottom up approach involving;

Factory General Meetings (FGMs),
Local Policy Workshops (LPWs),
Local Shopsteward Councils (LSSC’s),
Regional Policy Workshops (RPWs),
Regional Executive Committees (REC’s),
Regional Congresses (RCs),
National Policy Workshops (NPW’s),
National Executive Committee meetings (NECs)
Central Committee meetings (CC’s)
…..and finally the Numsa Special National Congress (SNC)

In giving effect to the above, the following roadmap was developed and implemented towards the December 2013 Numsa Special National Congress;

11 August: Numsa Special Central Committee endorsed a proposal for a Numsa Special Congress

29 August: Numsa Central Committee identified 6 key topics for discussion at the SNC and commissioned the discussion papers.

October 12: 50 Local meetings of core leadership and staff prepared for workplace general meetings and local meetings

Week of Oct 14:

A special Numsa News supplement was circulated to the membership, briefly explaining the 6 topics (Cedric Gina as then President featured very prominently in the Numsa News)

There were workplace meetings on the six topics

A DVD was circulated to all Locals with NOB input, to stimulate discussion (Again Cedric Gina as then Numsa President featured in this DVD alongside the DGS)

October 19: 50 Local Policy Workshops / Local General Meetings throughout the country

October 22:

Each local submitted a report to its Region

The 6 National Discussion Papers (full and summary versions) were distributed to Regions

October 25 to 26: there were 9 two-day Regional Policy Workshops of shop steward representatives from every Local:

They discussed positions from the Locals

They checked the alignment of Local positions with Discussion Documents

October 27: 9 Regional Congresses agreed on provisional regional positions

Week of November 4: Regional positions were consolidated for national discussion

November 12 to 15: A National Policy Workshop of shop stewards from all 9 Regions identified areas of convergence and divergence and debated areas of divergence

November 16 to 17: Central Committee discussed NPW results

November 19: Draft resolutions from NPW / Central Committee circulated to Regions

November 23: 9 Regional Congresses finalised regional positions

December 17 to 20: This SNC will discuss and finalise resolutions

At all stages, we have encouraged our members to play a full part in these crucial debates. That is the only way forward if we are to continue to be united in our struggle for a socialist South Africa.

The Special National Congress was the culmination of a vigorous and open discussion process in which:

Members have been encouraged to express their views

These views have been brought together so that convergences are established and divergences identified

Despite this process, we were not spared by the media or even some in our own ranks. They tell a story of a union under the control of one individual, who is so powerful that he can make decisions on his own for 333,000 metalworkers

Unfortunately all of the disgruntled people did not afford themselves the space to differ openly and honestly with the views and democratic debates happening in Numsa and actually opted to jump ship as the former Numsa President did hoping that large sections of the Numsa rank and file would follow suit.

This open response therefore seeks to deal with the factual situation that obtains as opposed to the lies and character assassination being peddled by forces leaking information from within Numsa and outside forces hungry for any form of “information” so as to engage in mudslinging. We shall not be dragged to their level of filth and grime.

To deal with many brown envelopes being deposited at many different media houses; in this open communique we shall deal with;

The specific allegations levelled by the Benoni Project meeting held on 25th May 2014;

The financial support Numsa had given to the ANC, SACP and other MDM formations s with the express blessing of the Numsa NC, NEC and CC to advance the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) which the Numsa structures have declared completely of track;

How Numsa would invite its own detractors to report financial wrong doing to the Public Protector, Hawks, SARS and any other authority to investigate all allegations levelled against the organisation and its leadership

The specific allegations levelled by the Benoni Project meeting held on 25th May 2014;

The first thing to air is that legitimate structures cannot be compelled to account to factions operating parallel to constitutionally elected Numsa structures.

We also wish to extend an invitation to the 36 Comrades to meet with National Office Bearers in 153 Bree Street Johannesburg if they are indeed serious with unity of exploited workers and if they have any loyalty to Numsa and not individuals.

1.1“Five regions represented by their delegates from Auto, Engineering and Motor Sectors….”

This is the opening shot from which the renegades in their letter of 25th May 2014 proceed. It should be said that Numsa, like all other unions, has a constitution setting out powers, duties, responsibilities, accountability, democratic-worker controlled structures and discipline in the organisation. As for structures, it is created to allow members who join Numsa to voice their opinions and views within the organisation however big or small it might be.

The absurd claim that the gang of 36 makes, is that 5 Regions of Numsa would have attended the “Benoni Project” under the stewardship of Cedric Gina and others. Can this be accurate? NO. Why not? Because;

(a)At a plant level, Numsa elect shopstewards to represent members in discussions with management and to carry mandates to their respective Locals Shopsteward Councils (LSSC’s). In this respect Numsa’s constitution allows for shopstewards at factory level to form a Factory Shopstewards Committee (FSSC) to run the affairs of the Union in the workplace;

(b)Everything discussed and developed as LSSC decisions would be cascaded up to a Numsa Regional Executive Committee (REC) meeting and fully debated at REC level until an agreement and/or decision is arrived at. It may well happened that what the LSSC mandated Local Office Bearers (LOB’s) to articulate and win at REC level, would have been defeated through democratic debates.

(c)When an REC makes decisions of a particular kind which does not suit any LSSC, the Regional Congress (RC) is an appropriate place to register such unhappiness BUT the Regional Congress has the final say over the matter at regional level;

(d)At a national level Numsa’s constitution provides for national matters to be dealt with by National Office Bearers (NOBs), National Executive Committee (NEC), National Finance committee (NFC), Central Committee (CC) and National Congress (NC).

What is apparent from the above mentioned structures is the fact that the gang of 36 did not petition these structures before embarking on a Jonas Savimbi approach. Tsotsism at its best

What must be of concern to all and sundry in relation to the arguments and allegations made by these renegades is the fact that its champion, Cedric Gina, had been in the leadership of the Numsa National Office Bearer collective since 2004 thereby making him responsible for each and every decision taken in the Numsa Constitutional Structures. Why today deny issues such decisions of Numsa constitutional structures like the movement from FNB to ABSA in the name of corruption by the “longstanding business partners” (Jim and Karl)?

If truth be told, Cedric Gina was deployed as the Numsa champion of the NIC and ABSA agreement, something he energetically championed.

In fact this was a constitutional structure decision that accepted the relationship between Numsa NIC and Absa. The ceremonial signature of the MOU was attended by all Numsa CC delegates from all the regions.

Later in this communique, we shall come back to these allegations with factual responses and details.

1.2Misrepresentation of SNC resolutions

The Numsa NOB elected in October 2008 and re-elected in June 2012 had always critiqued the African National Congress and South African Communist Party using Marxist Leninist tools of analyses. Cedric Gina together with all LSSC’s, REC’s, RC’s, NEC’s, CC’s and National Congresses never once objected to our characterization of the ANC and its neo-liberal policies from GEAR to the NDP.

1.3The abuse of resources to fund Zwelinzima Vavi’s court case:

Before answering to the lame accusation, we must draw from a Numsa July 2012 Central Committee resolution as we approached the Cosatu September 2012 11th National Congress (A Numsa CC over which Cedric Gina presided and shaping the outcome of the same)

On Cosatu matters:

(a)We must approach the Cosatu National Congress with unity in mind and remember the analyses of the Vanguard 3 years ago suggesting that the Cosatu might split into 2 different directions NUM/NEHAWU on the one side and SADTU/NUMSA on the other hand

(b)The Cosatu National Congress must adopt a position wherein Cosatu residential and industrial Locals are revived and resourced such that Cosatu Locals play a meaningful role in community struggles, swelling the ranks of the ANC & SACP and coordinate living wage struggles of affiliates

(c)We must advise COSATU that a merger between NUM and NUMSA is not possible under the current conditions

(d)Convening of the Conference of the Left must be organised with speed so that a clear working class program can emerge

(e)We must look at the situation in CWU and CEPPWAWU towards merger with them

(f)On the election of Cosatu NOB’s in the 11th National Congress;

The Cosatu GS must be defended from internal and external attacks and therefore Numsa must vote for the retention of Cde Vavi
The Numsa NOB must have an engagement with the Cosatu 2nd Deputy President so as to iron out concerns we have with her conduct
The NOB’s must interact with other affiliates on the rest of the NOB collective with a view to raise with other affiliates the problem Numsa has with 2 views/voices emerging from the Cosatu President and GS.

On the tensions between Numsa and the SACP:

(a)Numsa must defend itself against the attacks of the Sacp – the problems is not with the Party but leadership per se

(b)We must ask Cosatu leadership to confirm that Numsa has every right to critique certain Party positions

(c)As leadership at local, regional and national level, we must be cautious about direct approaches of some SACP leaders for political work directly with the Numsa regions thereby creating divisions in Numsa. In this regard the CC noted some developments within the Numsa Ekhuruleni region.

(d)The relationship between Numsa and the Sacp must be premised on a political and ideological perspective and nothing else

(e)Going forward, our focus must be on the SACP policies developed and adopted in the 13th National Congress so as to dissect policy issues from leadership challenges – in this regard an analyses of the adopted resolutions must be undertaken

(f)The CC did not agree with the proposal that Numsa cut funding to the SACP. We must iron out our differences within the context of the abovementioned proposals.

Let it be known that constitutional structure decisions are respected by the democratically elected Numsa National Office Bearers including;

1.3.1Taking Cosatu to court for violating the Cosatu Constitution and unlawfully suspending the democratically elected Cosatu General Secretary;

1.3.2Defending the expelled SADTU President as per the May 2014 Numsa CC resolution

The South Gauteng High Court vindicated our position and ordered that Vavi be reinstated and that Cosatu pay the costs of our Attorneys. This money has yet to be paid to Numsa by Cosatu.

Cedric Gina took his disagreements with the unanimous constitutional structure decisions to the Sowetan whilst in Swaziland. Where is the abuse of power?

1.4Financial position of the Numsa Research and Policy Institute (NURPI):

1.4.1Cedric Gina as then Numsa President went to the NIC to suggest that NIC assist in the recruitment and payment of the NURPI HOD. The Comrade was subsequently poached from the Competition Commission to join the Institute. The Numsa Institute has assisted with improving our performance in Nedlac, collective bargaining and research papers for engagement with government.

1.4.2Cedric Gina as then Numsa President made a compelling case to the Numsa Central Committee to put R5m up as seed funding for the Institute whereafter Numsa must go on an extensive international fundraising drive so that the Institute could become self-sustainable. As we speak, this fundraising drive is in overdrive including the fact the Cedric Gina undertook the first trip to Sweden, together with the Numsa National Treasurer to negotiate funding for the Institute.

1.5Officials with bonds paid by NUMSA

1.5.1The Benoni Project must bring the information they have so that the Numsa constitutional structures can take the necessary steps to investigate the veracity of these claims.

1.5.2The Numsa Central Committee of 16-17 November 2013 resolved that WIP as the property vehicle of NUMSA may proceed to acquire housing for all elected National Office Bearers as is the case in Cosatu and other affiliates of Cosatu. Cedric Gina was present in this meeting as the then President of Numsa and agreed with this democratically arrived at decision.

1.6Paying subscriptions of other affiliates and/or other financial assistance including the Anc and SACP:

There is a longstanding norm in Cosatu for affiliates to help other affiliates financially or otherwise. This includes assistance to the MDM structures, ANC and SACP. Below are a few examples;

Sactwu pledging R1m to Fawu for the organisation of farmworkers
Numsa pledging R1m to Fawu in support of Sactwu’s efforts and the call by the Cosatu CEC for affiliates to follow Sactwu’s example. Cedric Gina energetically motivated for Numsa to pledge R1m to Fawu. Numsa has still not houred its own resolution.
Cedric Gina came to the Numsa NOB and NEC asking of us to support the Creative Workers Union with R40 000 to pay their arrears in Cosatu. The structures agreed. Cedric Gina again came back when approached by the Creative Workers Union President to host and pay for their National Congress. Again we obliged and offered the Vincent Mabuyakulu Conference Centre to host the Creative Workers Union National Congress.
In November 2008, the South African Security Forces Union (SASFU) approached Numsa to release or deploy on full pay our Numsa Eastern Cape Regional Education Officer (who is a former Commissar in MK) to help build the union. The Numsa structures once again responded to this call from our sister union.
Communication Workers Union (CWU) came to Numsa asking for us to accommodate their offices in our regional buildings. Cedric Gina as then President tasked the DGS of Numsa to work with the Acting GS of CWU on this matter.
The South African Football Players Union (SAFPU) came to us for financial assistance to pay their telephone account and staff salaries and has subsequently repaid Numsa in full.
With full knowledge of the Numsa structures we donated a Toyota 1.8 sedan to the SACP HQ.
Numsa financially supports a whole host of unions on the African Continent which is known.

All assistance had gone through the constitutional structures. Why is there a problem today?