Nahuel MorenoOrganizational Issues
OrganizationalIssues
NahuelMoreno
International Workers Unity – Fourth International (IWU_FI)
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Nahuel MorenoOrganizational Issues
On16July,1984ComradeNahuelMorenowasinvitedbytheSocialistYouthtogiveatalkaboutorganizationalissuesoftherevolutionaryparty.Thetextthatfollowsisthecorrectedtranscription.
Howtoorganizeourselvesinthenewrevolutionarysituation?
AtthelastmeetingoftheNationalCommittee,wedidananalysisofthenewrevolutionarypoliticalsituationthatisopeninginourcountrysincethegreatwaveofstrikesinJuneandwevotedaseriesofresolutionstosuitthepartyactivityandorganizationtothisnewsituation.Thereisadangerthattheadopted resolutionsbeconstruedasaformalchangeoftheorganizationalstructureofthepartyandnotforwhatittrulyshouldbe:theadaptationoftheorganizationalformsofthepartytoanew,revolutionarystage,ofintenseagitationontheworkingclassandmassmovementthatwillallowustoqualitativelymoveforwardinourorganicembeddinginourwork,studyandhousingplaces.Inotherwords,anewphaseinwhichweaimtotakeadvantageofthefavourableobjectiveconditionsandtheprogressweachievedintherecentpasttobuildthousandsofteams,circlesorpartygroupsincompanies,colleges,schoolsandworkersandpopularneighbourhoods.
Toavoidasfaraspossiblethatthistruerevolutionofpartyactivitybeinterpretedasanadministrativeorbureaucratic“revolution”ofourcurrentorganizationalstructures,weneedtogivetheresolutionsofthelastNCatheoreticalandpoliticalframework.Thisisthepurposeofthisdocument.
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Nahuel MorenoOrganizational Issues
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Nahuel MorenoOrganizational Issues
1.Theoryandhistoryoftheworkers’revolutionaryorganization
Theimportanceoftheorganization
Ingeneral,theissueoforganizationseemssomethingsecondary,thatwetendtobelittle,thatitpalescomparedtootherissues,either“philosophical”(asdialecticorthetheoryofalienation),orexcitingdiscussionsontheeconomicorpoliticalsituation(Whathappenswiththeimperialisteconomy?Isorisn’ttherearevolutionarysituationinArgentinaorBrazil?Slateswhichare“pure”anti-bureaucraticorforthedefeattheunionbureaucrat?Andsoon).However,theorganizationalissueiscentral,tosomeextent,totheMarxistrevolutionaryactivity.Theprogramandpoliciesanswerthequestion:Whatarethetasks,objectivesorslogansthatmobilizethemassestowardsthesocialistrevolutiontoday?Instead,theorganizationalissueanswersthequestions:Whatorganizationdoesthemassmovementadopttodaytofight?Withwhatorganizationwilltheworkingclasstakeandexercisepower?Howisthepartywhichintendstoleadthestruggle,revolutionandworkers’powerorganizedateachstageoftheclassstruggle?
Theorganizationalissueiscrucialtosuchanextentthat,contrarytowhatmanybelieve,therewerenottwobutthreegreatleadersoftheRussianRevolutionandtheBolshevikParty.AlongwithLeninandTrotskywasSverdlov,thesecretarygeneral,theorganizeroftheBolshevikParty.YakobMikhailovichSverdlovisn’trememberedbyanytreatiseoneconomics,philosophyorMarxistpolitics.Nooneisinterestedinacollectionofhiscompleteworks—ifitexists.Buthewasthemostloved,mostrespectedmanoftheBolshevikParty.Sogreatwashimthatwhenhedied,hewasreplacedbyfourofthetopBolshevikleaders,andthefourfailed:theycouldnothandlethetask.
Lenin,whodidnotusedemagogueryorwaspronetopraise,definedhim,inaspeechathisfuneralasthe“proletarianleaderwhodidmorethananybodytoorganisetheworkingclassandtoensurevictory”(V.I.Lenin,CollectedWorks,Volume29,ProgressPublishers,Moscow,1965,p.95).Andinhismemorialspeechdeliveredon18March,1919heclarifiedwhythesewords:
“Peoplewhojudgebywhattheyseeonthesurface[…]considerthemoststrikingfeatureofourrevolutiontobethedeterminedandrelentlesslyfirmwayithasdealtwiththeexploitersandtheenemiesoftheworkingpeople.Thereisnodoubtthatwithoutthis,withoutrevolutionaryviolence,theproletariatcouldnothavetriumphed.Norcantherebeanydoubtthatrevolutionaryviolencewasanecessaryandlegitimateweaponoftherevolutiononlyatdefinitestagesofitsdevelopment,onlyunderdefiniteandspecialconditions,andthatafarmoreprofoundandpermanentfeatureofthisrevolutionandconditionofitsvictorywas,andremains,theorganisationoftheproletarianmasses,theorganisationoftheworkingpeople.Anditisthisorganisationofmillionsofworkingpeoplethatconstitutesthebeststimulantfortherevolution,itsdeepestsourceofvictory”(Ibid,p.89,highlightbyNM).
ForLenin,theorganizationisa“farmoreprofoundandpermanentfeature”oftherevolutionthanrevolutionaryviolenceitself.Thatis,atapolethereisaction,movement,thestruggle,thespontaneityofthemasses.Attheotherpolethereistheorganization,whichstructures,providescontinuity,permanencytotheseactionsormobilizations.Withoutgreatstrugglesandmobilizationsthereisnorevolution.Butneitheristhereonewithoutorganization:thestrugglesdissolve;theheroicactionsofthemassesarelost...
Itissomuchsothatthepartydoesn’thandleexclusivelysloganscallingtothestruggleandsettingagoal for it,butitalsoputsforthorganizationalslogans.Now,forexample,weagitatetheobjectiveofthestruggle:wages.Wecallforaparticularformormethodofstruggle:thegeneralstrike;wealsoagitatehowtoorganizethatstruggle:massassembliesinthefactories,electionofdelegates,strikepickets,etc.
Theissueoforganizationisverydifficult,verycomplex,becauseitcontainsinitselfacontradiction,whichsometimesbecomesacute.Anyorganizationorstructureisconservative,preciselybecauseittendstopreventwhatexistsfromdisappearing,frombeingdestroyed.Butatthesametime,theworkingclassadoptsorneedsrevolutionaryorganizationstofightanddefeatthebourgeoisie,todestroythecapitalistsystem.
Argentineworkers,forexample,wonlargeandpowerfultradeunions,withwhich,formanyyears,untilthecrisismadeitimpossible,onlyinthelastdecade,theyachievedthegoalofdefendingtheirlivingstandards.ButthisorganizationhadandhasatremendousconservativeweightintheArgentineproletariat,whichallowsthatatitsheadbeelementsofextremeright,thePeronistbureaucracy,andatthemomentitdoesn’tposeatalltheneedforarevolutionaryleadershipintheunionsnor,evenless,arevolutionaryworkersparty.
Theorganizationalissueissodifficultpreciselybecauseofthiscontradiction.Ifindeedarevolutionarypartyisgoingtobetheleadershipofthemassmovement,itbecomestheproblemofproblems:Whatorganicrelationshipisestablishedbetweenthepartyandthemasses?
TheSovietsareanorganizationalformofthemassmovement.Theyrulewithgoodorbadpoliticalline.Politicallineisveryimportant,butwithoutsovietsitwouldnothavebeenpossibletotakepower,regardlessofhowgoodtheBolshevikspoliticallinewas.Theyarethearmythatmobilizesinanorganizedwaythemassestotakepowerandrule.But,inturn,thereistheparty,whichistheGeneralStaffofthisarmy,whichgathersthemostmilitantandconsciousvanguard.Andthisraisesasecondproblem:WhatorganizationalformhastohavethepartyinordertoleadandhaveanincreasinglycloserelationshipwiththeSovietsandthemassesthatareinthem?
Thefirstproblem,theorganizationofthemasses,issomewhatsimplerthanthesecond.Thepartycannotinventorimposeorganizationalformstothemasses.Themassesthemselvescreatethem.Thegreatartofthepartyistodiscoverwhenthefirstsymptomsappear,andagitateforthemtobecomegeneralized.Or,iftheydon’tappear,patientlyadvisethemassesofsomeorganizationalformaccordingtothesituationandhistoricalexperience.Thus,wewereabletoraisethesloganofcoordinatingcommitteesin1975,relyingonthehistoricalexperienceofinter-factories20yearsbefore.OrtodaytoraisethesloganofmilitiasoftheCOBandthepeasantFederationinBolivia,andthatbothmassorganizationstakepower,drawingonthelessonsofthe1952revolution.
Theproblemoftheorganizationoftheparty,however,isinourhands.Themassescandowondersofheroismandforgemagnificentrevolutionaryorganizationstoseizepower.Butifwedon’tmanagetogetrightourownorganizationalform,thatitwillallowustobuildtheGeneralStaffofthosestrugglesandorganizations,ifwedon’tmanagetofirmlyorganize,tostructurewithironbondsourinfluenceandthesympathythatawakensourpoliticallineandprogramamongthemasses,usandtherevolutionarelost.LookattheexampleofBolivia:plentyrevolutionarystruggle;plentyofmassorganizationtoseizeandexercisepower;ampleprogram...butlackingthepartyasorganicstructurewithitsrootsfirmlyplantedintheheartoftherevolutionarymasses.Thatisthegreatproblem,oflifeanddeathtobesolvedinBolivia.Anditalsois,althoughwestartfromaqualitativelysuperiorsituationofourpartyandaslowerrevolutionarypaceofobjectivereality,inArgentina.
Changeinmassorganizations
Theworkingandmassmovementpermanentlychangesitsorganizationalforms.Therearechangesthathavetodowithbroadhistoricalstages,andexpressstructuraltransformationsoftheworkingclass.Forexample,unionsbyguildreflectedasectionoftheworkingclass,specializedandcloserintheirsocialandproductivelifetothecraftsectorthantothemodernhighlyconcentratedindustrialworkingclass.Tradeunionsbyindustryreflectthelatter.
Therearechanges,moreover,thathavetodowiththespecificsituationoftheclassstruggle.Ifthereisaretreatoftheworkingclass,thistakesrefugeindefensiveorganizations,unions.Insituationsofextremedefeat,itcangettoorganizeitselfeveninbenefitsocietiesorcooperatives.Butifweareexperiencingarevolutionaryupsurge,soonerorlaterorganizationalformsofpowerappear,suchastheRussianSoviets,theChilean“industrialbelts”,ortheunionsthemselveschangecharactertransformingthemselvesintobodiesofpower,astheBolivianCOB.Inparallel,theclassorganizesmilitias.
Wehavealsoseenrevolutionsofthepeasantry,suchtheChinese,VietnameseandCuban,wheredifferentmassorganizationsdifferent emerged:theguerrillaarmies.
Thesameoccursinafactory.Usually,theworkingclass[inArgentina]isorganizedthroughtheInternalCommissionandthebodyofdelegates.Butwhenthereisalargeinternalrepression,eitherfromthebossesorthebureaucracy,sometimestheyevengettoorganizebymeansoffootballmatches.Whenthereisnostruggle,assembliesareheldveryrarely,ornotatall.Butwhenthereisstruggle,oritisgettingprepared,theassemblybecomestheprimaryorganizationaltoolforallworkers.Iftheygooutonstrike,thestrikecommitteeappearswhichisveryoftendifferentfromthelegalandpermanentleadership:therecognizeddelegates.Picketingstrikersalsoappearand,asitnowhappensinourcountry,“soupkitchens”whichareacombinationofpicketingwithrankandfileassembly.
Itisimpossibletoeventrytoexhausttheenormouswealthoforganizationalformsthathavebeenadoptedandarebeingadoptedbythelabourandmassmovementthroughtime.Butwhatitisprovedisthat,contrarytotheassertionsofthebureaucracyofallkinds—fromthe-PeronistunionbureaucracytotheCP—theworkingclassisn’tstraitjacketedinafixedorganizationalform(bureaucraticunionsforMiguel,“bureaucratic”sovietsforAndropov)[1],butitselfchangesitsorganizationalformsaccordingtothechangesinthestagesoftheclassstruggleandthenewneedsarising.
Changeintheorganizationoftherevolutionarysocialistparty
Ithasbecomeafetish,especiallybyStalinism,thattherevolutionarysocialistformoforganizationisone,fixedandimmutable:theorganizationthroughsmallcells.We,poorTrotskyists,whohavesurvivedfordecadesisolated,seeingtheyearspassbyandourorganizationremainingsmall,havefallenvictimtothisfetish.Wehavenotyetfinishedbreakingwithit.Wecontinuetobelievethatrevolutionarysocialismisaformofpermanentorganization,alwaysequaltoitself.
Actually,itistheopposite.Therevolutionarysocialistpartyishardprogrammaticallyandintheprinciples.ButforMarxismthereisnothingrigidordefinitive.Evenlesscanbethepartyofthepermanentrevolution.Sothepartyisextremelyflexiblewhenitcomestoturningtheprogramandprinciplesintostrategies,tactics,slogansandconcretepoliciestoinfluencethepresentsituationintheclassstruggle.Wheneverthereisachangeinobjectivereality,thepartychangesitsslogans,itspolicies,itstacticsandstrategies...andalsoitsorganizationalforms.Thatisthetrueessenceoftherevolutionarysocialistformoforganization:change,adaptingtotherealityoftheclassstruggleandthetasksandobjectivesthatthepartyadoptsateachstage.
Changesintheorganizationalformofthepartyaredeterminedbythecombinationoftwomainfactors:thestateoftheclassstruggleandthestateordegreeofdevelopmentofthepartyitself.
Clearlytheparty’sorganizationalstructurecannotbethesameinastageoftriumphofthecounter-revolutionunderafascistorsemi-fascistregime,asinarevolutionarystage.Thefirstwouldbe ultra-clandestine,ofsmallcellsofultra-vanguard,whereonlymilitantspreviouslytestedandfirmlyentrenchedinthepartycouldparticipate.Thelatterwouldbeopen,legal,withnumerousmeetingsifnecessary,wherecomradeswhohaverecentlyapproachedthepartywouldparticipateandcompletetheirrecruitmentprocesswithintheorganizationalstructureoftheparty.
Beyondthesebroadbrushexamples,withinthesamestagethepartystructurewillhavetobeadaptedtootherprocessesofobjective,socialtype.Itwillnotbethesameorganizationalformwhethersectorsofthemassmovementarequicklyturningtowardstheleftor,asitoftenhappensinthefirststageoftherevolution,thisdoesn’toccurandthemassesmassivelysufferthe“democratic”highandflocktowardsthereformistparties.Inthefirstcase,thepartyshalltakeanappropriateorganizationalformtoorganizearounditselfthosesectorsofthemasses;inthesecond,despitetherevolutionarysituation,itmustmaintainthestructureofthe“vanguardparty”,i.e.ofmilitantswho,toagreaterorlesserextent,havealreadydefinedtheywilldevoteanimportantpartoftheirlifetorevolutionarymilitancy.
Nottodwellonit,thepartystructuremustbeadaptedtonationalcharacteristics,andmorespecificallytotheexploitedclasses.ObviouslyitcannotbethesametotakepartintherevolutionaryprocessinNicaragua,asinArgentina.InNicaraguatherewerevirtuallynounionsunderSomoza.Theunionsappearedenmasseafterhisfall.Therevolutionarystruggledevelopedthroughacombinationofwarbetweenarmiesandurbaninsurrectionsorganizedgeographically,byneighbourhoods.Evidentlyrevolutionarysocialismmustadaptitsorganizationtothesenationalcharacteristics.HencetheSimonBolivarBrigade,andhadtherebeenapartyinNicaragua,itshouldhavebeenorganizedaroundtheneighbourhoods.
InArgentina,itistotallydifferent.Theclassicalmassorganizationsaretheunionssincealmostacenturyago.Amongthem,themainorganisationsinthelast40yearsaretheInternalCommissionandthebodyofdelegates.Thepartyisorganizedaccordingly:groupspercompanytofightfortheleadershipoftheseorganizationsofthemasses.
Finally,thepartyinexceptionalcircumstancesforus,asisparticipationinbourgeoiselectoralprocesses,sometimesmustadoptanorganizationalformofgeographicalandneighbourhoodtypeandeventosubmittothebackground,attimes,theclassicalstructuralintegrationofitsorganisms(bycompanyorplaceofstudy,overandabovetheneighbourhoods).
However,theorganizationalquestionbecomesqualitativelymorecomplexbecauseitisalsoinfluencedbythesecondfactor:thepartyitself.Because,whenweconsiderataskorobjectiveforthestagewenotonlyanswerthequestion:Whatishappeningintheclassstruggle?Butwealsoanswer:Whatparty,whathumanresources—leadership,middle cadresandmilitants—dowehavetoactonit?
Veryschematically,wecannotethreestagesinthedevelopmentofaparty:thefirstfoundingcore,oftenafewindividuals;thepartyofpropagandawhichhasalreadydoneitsstageofcadreaccumulationandhassomehundredsofthem;thepartywithmassinfluence.
Adevelopedrevolutionarysituation,withrupturestowardstheleftofsectorsofmasseswithinthereformistandbureaucraticapparatusesalreadypresentsus,objectively,withthepotentialtodevelopmassinfluence,i.e.ofdraggingafterthepoliticallineofthepartycoresectorsofthemovementof masses.Butobviously,ourorganizationalstructurewillnotbethesamewhetherthepartyisoneofafewindividualsofithasalreadygainedsomemassinfluence.Inthelattercase,itisanobligationofthepartytohitandstructureitsorganizationsinallsectorsofthemassmovement(althoughprioritisingthesectorshapingupasthevanguardoftherevolution,forexample,theindustrialworkingclassinArgentina,minersandfactoryworkersinBolivia,etc.).If,instead,weareafewcomrades,attemptingtostructurethepartyinallsectorsisfatal,destroystheparty.Rather,itisaquestiontoturnallthecomradestowardsasinglesector,soasnottodisperseforcesandtostrengthentheparty,itsorganizationsanditsmassinfluenceinthissector.Inasituationliketheonedescribed,ifweareasmallparty,theissueisn’ttoself-defineourselvesas“propagandagroup”andnottotakepartwitheverythingintherevolutionarystruggle.Itisaboutdoingthesametaskasalargepartywoulddoonthewholeofthemassmovement,onlyonasectorofthis,themostfavourableforrapidorganicgrowthandpoliticalinfluenceoftheparty.Althoughthetaskisthesame,theorganizationalformistotallydifferent.Butifwesucceedinthepoliticaltaskandnotintheorganizationalformweareindangerofdisappearing.
Onanotherlevel,theorganizationalformofthepartydependsonsomethingassimpleastheexistenceofcadrescapableofbuildingandleadingtheorganisms.Thiswasaseriousproblemforus;ittookusyearsandyearstosolveit.Wetriedallkindsoforganizationalforms-—byunion,byfactory,byneighbourhood...—andeverysixmonthsorayeartheycollapsed.ThekeywasgiventousbyaFrenchrankandfilecomrade,withoutahightheoreticallevel,butwho possiblyreflectedtheinfluenceofthetraditionleftbyTrotskywhenhelivedinFrance.Thiscomradeaskedhowmanycadrescapableofrunninganorganismwehad,andheadvisedusnottoformanyorganism—beitacell,aunionfaction,aneighbourhoodortheatregrouporwhatever—ifwedidnothaveacadrecapableofleadingit.Withoutleadership,anyorganismfails,howeverperfectitisonpaper.Theproblemofexistingcadresisthereforeacriticalproblem—whateverthestageoftheclassstrugglethatwearegoingthrough—todefinetheorganizationalformoftheparty.
We,forexample,decidedtoorganizethepartyduringtheelectioncampaignaround600premisesweweregoingtoopeninperipheralworkingclassneighbourhoods.Wecouldplanthisbecausewehadasimilarorgreateramountofmiddle cadres,abletoopenandmanagethepremises.Ifthepartywouldhavehadtofacetheelectioncampaignwithonly50cadres,wewouldhavehadtothinkofanotherorganizationalform;possiblyconcentratingonafewdistrictswithlargeanchorheadquarters,oranothervariant.
Marx
Delvingintotheelectionsoftheclassstruggleofhistime,mainlytheParisCommune,Marxdefinedwhattherevolutionarytasksoftheproletariatinthepoliticalarenawere, astheestablishmentofa“dictatorshipoftheproletariat”.Thismeanttodestroythestateofthebourgeoisieandtoestablishaworkers’government:
“[…]nolonger,asbefore,totransferthebureaucratic-militarymachinefromonehandtoanother,buttosmashit,andthisisthepreconditionforeveryrealpeople’srevolution […]AndthisiswhatourheroicPartycomradesinParisareattempting.”(LetterofMarxtoKugelman,quotedbyLeninin“TheStateandRevolution”,CollectedWorks,Volume25, op. cit.,pp.381-492).
“[TheCommune]wasessentiallyaworkingclassgovernment,theproductofthestruggleoftheproducingagainsttheappropriatingclass […]”(KarlMarx,TheCivilWarinFrance,
Toformagovernmentoftheworkingclassapoliticalpartyoftheworkingclasswasneeded.Atthattime,theEuropeanworkingclassdidnotvoteor,ifitdid,itvotedforthepartiesoftheliberalbourgeoisie(asimilarphenomenontothatoftheworkingclassinArgentinainrelationtoPeronism).Inordertoattainthefundamentalpoliticaltaskoffreeingtheproletariatfromthebourgeoisie,Marx,togetherwithEngels,arguedtheorganizationalconceptionofthesinglepartyoftheworkingclass(similaralsotothesloganthatwehaveoftenriseninourcountryof“WorkersParty”,orlabourparty).Itwasacorrectconceptionfortheproposedtask,especiallywhenitstillhadnotsurfacedinallitssplendourthelabouraristocracyorthelargebureaucraciesofthelabourmovementseated onsolidapparatuses.
However,astheXIXcenturypassedandmankindenteredtheXXcentury,thisconceptionbecamesomethingverydangerous,wrongandendeduphavingfatalconsequences.Thisonlyservedtodemonstratetwofundamentallaws.Thefirst,general,isthatrealityisricherthananytheoreticalconstruction,asitwastheveryrealityoftheclassstrugglethatleftbehindthisconceptionofMarx(alongwithsomeothers,suchasfreetrade,theinevitablebeginningofsocialistrevolutionthroughthemostdevelopedcountriesandothers).Thesecondlawisthatarigidandstaticconceptionoforganizationalquestionisunscientificandcanbeasreactionaryasarigidandstaticconceptionofanyhumanandsocialphenomenon,fromsciencetothetacticsofarevolutionaryparty.
Thesocialdemocracy
FollowingMarx’sconceptionthegreatEuropeansocialistpartieswerefounded,whichduringawholeeraplayedaveryprogressiverole,asmuchastheyachievedthepoliticalindependenceoftheproletariat,tearingitapartfromtailendingthepolicyoftheliberalbourgeoisie.(Eventodaywefeeltheconsequencesofthisprogressivestageofthegreatsocialistparties.Theeconomicoffensiveofworldimperialismhasmanagedtoproducesharpdeclinesinwagesofworkersinthesemi-colonialworld,aswellasintheUnitedStatesandJapan.InEuropeinstead,thereversalismuchless,becausetheworkingclassoffersfierceresistance,whosebestexampleshavebeenthetremendousminers’strikesinEnglandandofthemetalworkersinWestGermany.AndthiscanonlybeexplainedbecausetheEuropeanproletariatretainsfromthatstagealevelofconsciousnessandorganizationasclassqualitativelysuperiortootherproletariatsequallyormorepowerful,liketheYankeeorJapanese).
Butthesegreatsocialistpartiessuffered,asitcouldnotfailtohappen,theinfluenceofthenewsocialprocesses.WiththeemergenceofimperialismintheEuropeancountriesthelabouraristocracy developed to the maximum:aprivilegedsectoroftheworkingclass,withastandardoflivinghigherthantheirclassbrothersintheirowncountryandaroundtheworld.Thislabouraristocracyenjoyedsuchprivilegeseatingthecrumbsthrowntothembytheimperialistbourgeoisieexploitationofotherworkersandespeciallyofthecolonies.Thiswasfurthercompoundedwiththehigherlayersofthesocialistparties—whichhadwonlegalityandintervenedregularlyandsystematicallyintheelectoralandparliamentarianprocesses—begantogetassimilatedinthebourgeoisstateapparatus.Thisprocesscouldtakeplacebecausetheworldcapitalistsystem,whenitwasstillprogressiveanddevelopingtheproductiveforces,andeveninthefirstphaseofitsdeclinealreadyasimperialistsystem,couldgrantmajorconcessions,politicalandeconomicreformstothemetropolitanworkingclass.Theproletariatoftheimperialistcountries—andtosomeextentaroundtheworld—livedareformist,notrevolutionaryera.
Thus,socialdemocracywasessentiallyorganizedto achievereformsandtoparticipateinelections,nottomaketherevolutiontothebourgeoisie.Intheirpremisestheworkersgatheredtohearspeakers,butnoonewasforcedtosellnewspapersortodoanything.Thepartyjustwantedtowinvotes.Therewasnodiscipline.Thesocialdemocratswerenotinterestedtoactdailyinthestructure,inthedepthsoftheworkingclass,inthefactoriesandworkshops,toorganizethere,inthedailystruggle,theworkersandthepartyitself.Itwascommonthat,whenastrike,thesocialistsvotewassplit,asectorinfavourandoneagainst...andthetworemainedintheparty.
Thus,thegreatsocialistpartieswerehugeelectoralapparatuses,oblivioustotheconcrete,dailystrugglesandtotheorganizationforsuchstrugglesoftheworkingclass,withthesoleexceptionoftheBritishLabourPartyand,tosomeextent,BelgianandGermansocialdemocracy.Themassofsocialistworkershadapassiverole.Theonlyoneswhopermanentlyworkedwerethosewhointegratedthepartyapparatus,whichwascontrolledbythe lawyers,the parliamentariansorcandidates,the professionals,the journalists,whowerenotsubjecttoanycontrolbythepartyasawhole.
TheBolshevikparty
AgainsttheforecastsofMarx,thefirstsocialistrevolutiondidnotsucceedinthemoredevelopedimperialistcountries,butinthemostbackwardofthem,CzaristRussia,withitsoverwhelminglypeasantpopulation,whichhadneverknownbourgeoisdemocracy,butalsowiththemostconcentratedproletariatintheworld.Theneedtobuildthepartyfortherevolutioninthoseobjectiveconditionswherethenormwasabsolutesecrecy,wheretherewasnolegalunions,muchless,periodicelections,explainstheemergenceofanewtypeofparty,theBolshevik.Itwillbeanovelformofrevolutionaryorganization,whichcouldbedescribedbyafewkeyfeatures:
1.IthadastructurewhichLenincalled“conspiratorial”,i.e.centralizedanddisciplined,suitedtoactineverysituationoftheclassstruggle,tomovequicklyfromlegalitytotheundergroundandviceversa,adaptedtoorganicallycentralizealltheforcesofthemassmovementfortheseizureofpowerbyinsurrection.
2.Itdidnotacceptintoitsranksallcurrentsandprogramsforthemerefacttheyclaimedtobeofsocialism.Onthecontrary,itestablishedacategoricaldividinglinebetweenrevolutionariesandreformists.Thepartywasfortherevolutionariesandthereformistscouldformanotherparty.
3.Thecentralactivityofthepartywasnottheelections,buttheclassstruggle.Itisthepartyofthedailyworkinvolvedintheeverydaystrugglesoftheworkingclassandtheexploitedmasses;itaccompaniesthem,ittriestoorganizethemanditorganizesintheclassanditsstrugglesthepartyitself.Itisinalltheclassstruggles,allofthem:bothinthelargeasinthesmall.Italwaystriestoheadthem,guideandorganizethemor,atleast,tobeinvolvedinthesespontaneousstrugglesmadebytheclass.
Asitcanbeseen,itisanorganizationalformdiametricallyopposedtothatofthesocialdemocracy.
Theendofthesinglepartyoftheworkingclass
TheorganizationalconceptionofMarxandEngelsonthesinglepartyoftheworkingclasswassurpassedbytheexperienceoftheRussianRevolutionandtheBolshevikParty.ThehistoricalprocessoftheXXcenturyitselfshowedthatitwasverycorrectthedivisionbetweenrevolutionaryandreformistsocialists,i.e.,inRussia,thesplitbetweenBolsheviksandMensheviks,intwoparties,notonlydifferent,butenemies.Beginningin1917,thisdivisionbecameglobal:inallcountriestherewerecommunistandsocialistpartiesfacedtoeachother,organizedindifferentInternationals,theIIandtheIII.RealityhadprovensuperiortoMarx’sconception.
However,andwementionthistoshowtheterriblemistakethatmeansbeingtiedtorigidconceptionsonanyterrain,thegreatGermanrevolutionaryRosaLuxemburgdidnotacceptthedivisionofthesocialistpartiesorthatrevolutionariesshouldhavetheirownorganization.Thatcostedherandhertendencyverydearly:theyhadtofacearevolutionarysituationwithoutasuitableparty,andwereannihilatedbytherepressionofthebourgeoisie,executedbythegovernmentofreformistsocialism.Muchmoreexpensivewasthe costtotheworldworkingclass,whichsawtheGermanrevolutiondefeatedbythelackofsuchapartytoleadthemanddelayedfordecades—plaguedbywarswithmillionsofdeathsandhorrificsituationsofexploitationandmisery—thedevelopmentandvictoryoftheworldrevolution.
OnthebasisoftheBolshevikexperience,werevolutionaryMarxistshavebeenabletodevelopthetheorywhichexplainswhytherecannotbeatthisstagethesingleworkersparty.Everyclasshasseveralparties.Traditionallythebourgeoisiehadthem,representingthedifferentsectors:industrial,agriculturalorfinancial,monopolisticornon-monopolistic,etc.Currently,totheextentthatthebigimperialistmonopoliesarecompletelycorneringtheglobaleconomicsituation,atrendtounityistakingplace,whichisexpressedonbipartisanship.Onlytwomajorpartiestendtooccupythestageofpoliticsundertheimperialist-capitalistsystem.One,ofsocial-democratictype,todragtheworkersvotes;another;ofcentre-right,todothesamewiththemiddleclass.InEuropeandafewcountriesinthesemi-colonialworld,suchasChile,workersvotesaredraggedbyreformistworkersparties.Inmanyothercountries,workersvotesaredraggeddirectlybybourgeoisparties,likePeronismhere,DemocraticActioninVenezuela,ortheDemocraticPartyintheUnitedStates.
Theworkingclassismorehomogeneousthanthebourgeoisie;itisthemosthomogenousinsociety.Butdespitethisithasnotensuredsufficientpoliticalhomogeneityastohaveasingleparty.Likeeveryclass,ithasdifferentsegments.Thereisaristocracy,averageworkersandsuper-exploitedworkers,almostmarginal.Therearesectorswithtemporaryworkandotherswhoworkpermanently.Thereareofheavyindustry,lightindustry,servicesandalsotheagriculturalproletariat.Allthisgiveswaytotheemergenceofdifferentparties.
Italsooccurs,reflectingthisstructuralheterogeneityalthoughnotinamechanicalway,differentlevelsofdevelopmentofconsciousnessintheworkingclass.AsTrotskysaidinoneofhisbrilliantanalysis,therearesectorsoftheworkingclasswholookbackwardsandotherswholookahead(and,weadd,otherswhodon’tlookanywhere).
Evidentlycannotbeinthesamepartytheworkerswithpettybourgeoisexpectations,whostillbelievethatprogresscanbemadeindividuallyunderthecapitalistsystem,andwhowillendupinanybourgeoispartyorsomekindofreformistlabourparty,withtheworkerswhowantsocialismbutstilldon’tseethattoachievethisweneedtomakearevolution,whowillgotoasocialdemocraticparty,withtheworkerswhoarealreadyrevolutionariesandwillentertherevolutionaryMarxistparty.
Whicheverwayyoulook,thereisnoscientificreasontoexplainorjustifyhavingasinglepartyfortheworkingclass.
Stalinism
Asaresultofthecivilwar—whereitdiedbythethousands—andofhunger—promptingitsreturntotheland—theOldRussianworkingclass,whichbuilttheSovietsandaligneditselfbehindtheleadershipoftheBolshevikpartyandmadetherevolution,disappeared.Thisphysicaldisappearanceofabout90percentofthisworkingclassisthedeeperexplanationofthetriumphofStalinisminRussia.Stalinimposedhimselfonanewworkingclass,freshlyarrivedfromtheland;withoutexperienceortradition.
TheBolshevikshadtrieddifferentformsattemptingtoorganizeinrevolutionaryawaythisnewworkingclass;forexample,theorganizationofworkerswithoutaparty,bodiesforthefightagainsthunger,etc.Butgenerallytheydidnothavegoodresults.Theconsequenceofthisorganizationalfailure—whichwasasocialfailure,giventhattheworkingclasshadbeenerasedfromtheRussianhistoricalprocess—wasStalinism.
ThisbroughttoRussiaanewformoforganizationandof linkingwiththeworkersmovement,ofinorganictype,rigidlybureaucraticwhosemainobjectivewastheexactoppositetotheorganizationofrevolutionarysovietsandtheoldBolshevikparty.Whilethesewereorganizationstodevelop,extend,generalizeandconcentratethespontaneousstrugglesofworkersinasinglegreatrevolution,the“soviets”andthe“Bolshevikparty”ofStalinismweretopreventanystruggle,destroyallspontaneityofthemasses,andavoidanyorganizationoftheworkingclass.
However,outsideRussiaStalinismcontinuedusingoneelement,onlyone,oftheLeninistlegacy:tobewheretheworkersare,tohavetheircellsandmilitantsinfactories,toorganizewheretheworkingclassis,tofocusontheireverydayproblemsandnotintheelectoralissue,totaketheleadoftheirsmallstruggles.Butthebureaucraticscumusesthisinservicetoitstreacherous,counterrevolutionarypolicyofclasscollaboration.Itisinthesmallstrugglestobetterpreventtheoutbreakofthegreatstruggles,i.e.revolutions.Andiftheyburst,tobringthemtodefeat.Andiftheysucceed,toturnthenewworkerstatesintotoolsofthecounter-revolution.
Inthisway,Stalinismcoveredtheflankneglectedbysocialdemocracy.Hence,inthecountrieswheresocialdemocracyplaysthatroleexceptionallywell,likeinEnglandorGermany,itisveryweak.Butwherethereisa“classic”socialdemocracy,asinFrance,Spain,Portugal,themajorityintheelections,Stalinismisapowerintheunionmovement.TheSocialDemocratsbetraytheworkersinthefieldofelectoralpolitics;theStalinistsinthefieldofdailystruggle.Itisarealdivisionoflabour.AndthereisaStalinistcommunistparty,theItalian,whofulfilsthetwofunctionssimultaneously.
Stalinismsurvivedduetomanycauses,butaveryimportantone,onewhichhighlightsthedecisiveweightoftheorganizationalissue,whichhaspreventeditfromalreadycollapsinginfulldespiteitstremendousglobalcrisis,istheonewejustmentioned.Inmanyoccasions,theCPhasmadeincrediblebetrayals,andyettheclassdidnotbreakwithit.TheSpanishworker,forexample,sawcommunistsfightingalongbesidehimandbuildinghishighesttradeuniontool:theWorkers’Commissions.Alongwiththat,theycalledtoapprovethemonarchy,orthePactofMoncloa.DespitetherepublicantraditionofSpanishworkersandthedireconsequencesforlivingstandardsofimplementingthePactofMoncloa,theSpanishCP,althoughdividedandfragmented,andtremendouslydecreasedinitselectoralstrength,remainsattheheadoftheWorkers’Commissions,and Workers’CommissionsarestillapowernexttothelanguidUGToftheSocialDemocrats.Ofcourse,thesocialdemocracycompletestheotherarmofthecounter-revolutionarypincer,electorallydraggingtheworkingclass.
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Nahuel MorenoOrganizational Issues
II.Revolutionizethepartyorganization
Thequestionoforganizationalformsbecomesapriorityissueatthistimebecausetherehasbeenachangeintheobjectivesituation.Wehavemovedfromonestagetoanother:thestateoftransitionthatfollowedthetriumphofAlfonsin[2]toanewrevolutionarysituation.
AfterthetriumphofAlfonsín,whicharousedgreatenthusiasm,therewasabackwardmovementofthevanguardsectors,whofeltitlikeahardblow:themasseshadgonepartlytowardsradicalism;[3]theworkingclassmajorityremainedPeronist.Nopartyoftheleft,noteventhemosttepidwassavedfromthistempestofpolarization.Aftertheelectionresultitopenedastagewecalled“transitional”,undefinedbetweenacoursetowardsdeepeningtherevolutionaryprocessor,conversely,toastabilizationoftheregimeandthegovernment.
Thatstagehaspassed.Thecardshavebeenshuffledandnowbegintobedealtagainastheyhadbeenbefore10October.Theregimecrisissymptomsworsen.Theworkersuprisegoestostrikemodeandlaunchesmillionsofworkersinthestreets.AlthoughmostoftheworkersmovementremainsPeronist,thisprocessisexpressedinvanguardsectorsretakingthecoursethey had beforetheelections:theleftparties,includingours,arestrengthened;thousandsofsupporterswhoturnedawayfromtheelectoraldefeatoftheleft,return.Alfonsínwasadykethatstoppedfor awhilethissemi-naturaldynamics,butfailedtoendit.Aflourishingsituationisrepeating,asbeforetheelections,butinamuchhigherplane.Becausethepreviousyeartheprocesswentthroughthebourgeoiselections;andtodayitisdeeper:itgoesthroughthedailystrugglesoftheworkingclass,whichobjectivelyquestionthecapitalistsystem.And,withinthem,preparingthem,accompanyingthemorripeningwiththem,itisemergingnewaleadershipoftheworkersmovement.
Unlikethepreviousstage,whenwefoughttheenemy’sterrain,thebourgeoiselections,inthisstagewefightinourterrain,theclassstruggle.
Inthisnewrevolutionarysituation,thepartymustrevolutionizeitsorganization,underthegenerallineslaiddownbyLeninwhentheRussianRevolutionof1905:
“ArevolutionaryepochistotheSocial-Democratswhatwar-timeistoanarmy.Wemustbroadenthecadresofourarmy,wemustadvancethemfrompeacestrengthtowarstrength,wemustmobilisethereservists,recallthefurloughed,andformnewauxiliarycorps,units,andservices.Wemustnotforgetthatinwarwenecessarilyandinevitablyhavetoputupwithlesstrainedreplacements,veryoftentoreplaceofficerswithrank-and-filesoldiers,andtospeedupandsimplifythepromotionofsoldierstoofficers’rank.
“Todropmetaphor,wemustconsiderablyincreasethemembershipofallPartyandParty-connectedorganisationsinordertobeabletokeepuptosomeextentwiththestreamofpopularrevolutionaryenergywhichhasbeenahundredfoldstrengthened.[…]
“Inwar-time,recruitsshouldgettheirtraininglessonsdirectlyfrommilitaryoperations.Sotacklethenewmethodsoftrainingmoreboldly,comrades!Forward,andorganisemoreandmoresquads,sendthemintobattle,recruitmoreyoungworkers,extendthenormalframeworkofallPartyorganisations,fromcommitteestofactorygroups,craftunions,andstudentcircles![…]Givemorescopetoallthediversekindsofenterpriseonthepartofthemostvariedgroupsandcircles,bearinginmindthat,apartfromourcounselandregardlessofit,therelentlessexigenciesofthemarchofrevolutionaryeventswillkeepthemuponthecorrectcourse.[…]
“Youngfightersshouldberecruitedmoreboldly,widely,andrapidlyintotheranksofallandeverykindofourorganisations.Hundredsofneworganisationsshouldbesetupforthepurposewithoutamoment’sdelay.[…]
“Ifwefailtoshowboldinitiativeinsettingupneworganisations,weshallhavetogiveupasgroundlessallpretensionstotheroleofvanguard.Ifwestophelplesslyattheachievedboundaries,forms,andconfinesofthecommittees,groups,meetings,andcircles,weshallmerelyproveourownincapacity”(VILenin,“NewTasksandNewForces”,CollectedWorks,Vol.8,op.cit.p.209-220).
Anewleadershipoftheworkersmovementisemerging
Wedon’twanttodwellontheanalysisofthenewrevolutionarysituation,whichthepartyhasalreadymadeonseveraloccasions.Wejustwanttopointoutthatwithinitthreephenomenaoffundamentalimportancearetakingplace:
1)Thereisapowerfulwaveofstrikes,byfactoriesandunions,withawagecharacter.Thesestrikesraisethepossibilityofageneralstrike,whichhasonlybeenfrustratedsofarbythebetrayalofthebureaucracy and its agreements with the government.
2)EverywherenewInternalCommitteesandBodiesofDelegatesareemerging,withnewleadersoftheclassandwhicharenotborncontrolledbythebureaucracy.Anewleadershipoftheworkersmovementisemergingthat,inexorably,willreplacetheoldbureaucracy,alreadymortallywounded(whichdoesn’tmeanitwillberevolutionarysocialist).
3)Weareinthemidstoftheprocessofunionelections,whichgiveagreatopportunityforgroupingthenewunionvanguardtofightfortheleadershipoftheunions.
Ofthesethreeprocesses,theleastimportant,andwhichgoesagainstthenaturaldevelopmentofthenewleadership,istheunionelectionswithfixeddateimposedbythegovernment.Thelackofmaturityofthenewvanguardprevent,forthemomentthatthebureaucracybedefeatedintheelections,especiallyaftertheirpactwithAlfonsín.Wemustusethemasatooltogroupandunifythenewvanguardandespeciallytoaccompanypoliticallythatexperience,winningsectorsfortheparty.
Instead,themostimportantprocess istheofgrassrootsorganizationsoftheworkersmovement:theInternalCommitteesandBodiesofDelegates.Theretherenewalofleadershipistotal.Andthoseare,traditionally,organismsparexcellenceofourworkingclass,thetrueleadershipoftheirdailystruggles.AnyInternalCommissionoranydelegatepoliticallywonorinfluencedbythepartyisaleapforwardinourstrategicgoal:toprovideourworkersmovementwitharevolutionaryleadership.
Thisrevolutionbeingexperiencedwithintheworkersmovementiswhatwehavebeenwaitingfordecades.Wecansaythat,althoughnotinthesuperstructureoftheunionsandtheCGT,ratherinthedeepstructureoftheunionmovement,theInternalCommissionsandBodiesofDelegates,itissucceeding,hasalmostsucceeded,thedemocraticrevolutionthatthecountryexperiencedwhentheMalvinas[Falklands]war.Theworkersmovementhaswonitsinternallegality.Althoughtheywillstillgivetheirlastfewswipes,thetimeofthebureaucracyanditsthugs,withitssinglelists,itsirondictatorshipwithintheworkingorganizationisended.Totakepartwitheverythinginthisrenewaloftherankandfileleadershipofourclassisthefundamentaltaskofourparty.
Regainingourpoliticalspace
Therelaunchoftherevolutionarysituationoffersusenormousadvantages.Thefirstisthat,inthem,themassescanquicklymaketheexperiencewiththeirtraditionalparties.Theyunmaskthemselvesdayafterdayasenemiesoftheworkers.Thisprocesscanbemoreorlessslow,giventheenormouspoliticalbackwardnessofourworkingclass.Butitistakenplacesymptomaticallyandsoonerorlater,willbemassive.
Anadditionaladvantage,whichmakestothedeclineofArgentinabourgeoisieanditspoliticalrepresentatives,isthecolossalstupidityofthelatter.Rarelycanweenjoyagovernmentthatdigsitsowngraveeveryminute.Onethatassemblesfarcesthatdon’tevendeceiveabreastfeedingbaby,suchasthewholecircusmountedbyGrinspun[4]aroundtheforeigndebt,wheretheonlythingheachievedistobeleft in ridicule.
Neitherisitcommontohavean“opposition”soincrisisandasineptasPeronism.ThemerefactthatHerminioIglesias[5]canfightforthetopleadershipofthePJ[6]relieveusfromfurthercomment.
Amidstthisscenario,ourpartyisexceptionallywellplaced.Thegreatsuccessoftheelectioncampaigntoplacetheforeigndebtasthecentralproblem,nowthatrealityitselfhasbroughtittothefore,itisreturnedtousathousandfold.ThesamepartysupporterswhowithdrewsuspectingAlfonsínhadtakenawayallour future,nowcomebackandtellus:“Howrightyouwere”.Andthosewhodidnotagreewithus,theybegintoagreeoratleast,iftheystilldon’tagreethatwemustnotpayit,theyacknowledgethatwewererighttopointoutitwasacriticalproblem.
Today,armedwiththiscapitalandthenewslogansforthisstage:wages,generalstrike,newleadershipfortheworkersmovement,permanentdenunciationofAlfonsinasanenemyoftheworkersandagentoftheIMF,weareabletoperformaverypowerfulpoliticaloffensive.Withit,wecanquicklyregainthepoliticalspacethatwehadwonandearnevenmore.Regainthestreetswithasystematicagitationoftheseslogans,takingfulladvantageofanynewdevelopments—suchasnowwiththeplebisciteabouttheBeaglechannel—withaspecificpolicy,itisaveryimportanttask.
Thisdoesn’tdenythatthemassesstillarenotcomingtotheleft,towardus.Thefundamentalprocess,whichthepartycannotloseunderpenaltyofgoingbackwardsandreversingtherevolutionaryprocessitself,istheconstructionofthenewpoliticalandunionleadershipoftheworkersmovement.Thisconstructionhappens,inthetradeunionarenawiththenewdelegatesbycompany,andinthepoliticalarenabystrengtheningourparty.
Therestoftheleftisatdisadvantage
Theprocessofthepoliticalvanguardisbeingexpressedinthegrowthoftheentireleft.TheCPhasshownit,liketheIntransigentParty(PI)and,tosomeextent,theoldPeronistleftintheircolumnsat the lastdemonstrationagainsttheIMF.Theoldclassism,meanwhile,doesn’tpresentfornowthesamedynamicasitwasheavilydefeatedbythefailureofENTRA[NationalMeetingofWorkers]andothergroups.Butitcanjoinin,asapoliticalcurrent,ifitmanages to getstructured.
Butonethingistobestrengthenedaspartiesandquiteanothertoachieveitaspartofthenewleadershipoftheworkersmovementwhich,weinsist,isthegroundwherethefarmoreimportantfighttakesplace.
Therearetworeasonsforthemfindingthelatterdifficult.One,onthestrictlytradeunionarena,isthatnoneofthese“left”currentsisfirmlywiththeworkingclassinthestrugglesthiswagesagainstthebossesandthebureaucracy.Sometimestheyevenplacethemselvesdirectlyagainst,accusingcertainstrugglesas“destabilizing”andsupportingthebureaucracy,asdoestheCPinmetalworkers,wheretheygoalongwithMiguel.
Thesecondreason,thedecisiveone,ispolitical.Thesecurrentsdon’tfaceAlfonsinandthecapitalistsocialeconomicsysteminfull.Onthecontrary,theyallendedupsigningthepactwiththegovernment.Thisputsthemagainstthegrainoftheobjectiveprocessofthemassmovementanditsvanguard,whichisgoingtowardsagrowingconfrontationwiththegovernment,theregimeandthesemi-colonialcapitalistsystem.Tomanycomradesthewagecharacterofthecurrentstruggleshidesitsdeepcontent,whichisanti-capitalist,becausetheyhitthesysteminaneuralgicpoint:thesurplusvalue,theprofitsofthebourgeoisieandimperialism,andwhichdon’thaveasolutionwithinthissystem.Wearguethatthisis,precisely,theessenceofthecurrentstruggleoftheworkingclass.And,forthatprofoundreason,the“left”currentsaregettingdivorcedfromthesedailystrugglesandthenewleadershipemerging.
Therefore,althoughthesecurrentsgrowaspoliticalparties,theydon’texpressthisgrowthdirectlyinthedisputeoverthepoliticalleadershipofthenewworkersvanguard.Theymayhavefactorydelegatesandwinmoredelegates.Buttheyarenotobsessedlikeustoachieveit.Thisisn’tthefocusoftheirpoliticalactivity.
Inthisframework,theCPisbyfarourmostdangerousadversary.Theyhaveamethodsimilartoours:theygotofactories,buildtheregroupsoftheirpartyandgainnewactivists.But,asalreadypointedout,theirpoliticalandtradeunionpositionseparatesandopposesthemtotheobjectiveprocessofthenewleadership.AndtothisitmustbeaddedthataleadershiplikethatofNadra,Favaandcompany,whowassotreacherousastoopenlysupportVidelaandvoteforIglesiassurelywillbeintheshort-termpreparingasimilarcatastrophe.
ThePI,besidestheequallyremarkableidiocyofitsleadership,doesn’tgoaspartydirectlytofactoriestowinthenewactivists.TherehasbeenthefunnycaseofhonestPImilitantsaskingustoteachthemhowthisthingsomysteriousisdone.ThepopuliststructureofthePImakesthemnoseriouscompetitorinthepoliticalstruggletowinthenewunionleadership.
TheoldPeronistleftispartoftheoverallcrisisofPeronism.Itcandolittleornothing,ifwecompareitwiththeextraordinaryintegrationachievedbyMontoneros[7]andJTP(JuventudTrabajadoraPeronista–PeronistWorkersYouth)inthepreviousstage,from1969to1975.SectorsofPeronistIntransigenceandMobilization,[8]totallydegeneratedgototheelectionsalongwiththeworstbureaucrats.Others,instead,becomegovernmentagents,agreeingandbecomingcabooseoftheradicals.Andothers,finally,openupgreatopportunitiesforustoworkwiththem, andinmanyplaceswearedoingso.ButthisisaphaseoftheirprocessofbreakingtotheleftwithPeronism,notthestrengtheningwhatwasthe“gloriousJP(JuventudPeronista–PeronistYouth)”.
TheoldclassismofPiccinini,[9]finally,alsoendsupworkingasanagentforagovernmentincreasinglyseparatedfromtheexpectationsoftheworkingclass.Hewillprobablyachievesomeinfluenceamongprivilegedworkers,whitecollar.Butwedeemverydifficultthathedeeplydelveinthevastmajorityoftheclass,subjecttofierceexploitationandincreasingmisery.
Inconclusion,wehavecompetitorsinthestruggletopoliticalwinoverthenewworkersvanguard.Butnoneofthemisacompetitorthatcandefeatus—althoughwedon’tminimizetheterribleenemythatisStalinism.Itisuptoustopreventthosepartiesorcurrentsfromerectinganewdykebetweentheworkersvanguardandthesocialistrevolution.
Thepartyfacesahistoricalopportunity
Ourpartyis,therefore,atoneofthesehistoricopportunitiesthatoccuronlyveryoccasionally.Wecanwinasectorofthenewleadershipofthefactoryandtradeunionstrugglesoftheworkersmovement.Thisway,wearebuildingthenewpoliticalleadership,onwhichdependsthetriumphofthesocialistrevolutioninArgentina.
Itisthefourthprocessofthistypethatoccursinourcountrysinceourcurrentexists.Thefirst,whichwecandatearound1944,wastheliquidationoftheoldStalinistandreformistsocialistleadershipandtheemergenceofanewworkersleadershipthatfoundedthenewPeronistunions.ThisnewleadershipcaughtonpoliticallyintheLabourParty,aclasspartyvotingforPeronbutwhichremainedindependentfromhim.AndituprootedStalinismfromtheleadershipoftheproletariat,usingthesystematicbetrayalstheCPleadership—tiedtotheKremlindiplomacyand,inthisway,toAmerican,Englishimperialismandtheentireblockofallies—committedagainsttheworkingclass.
TheLabourParty,whichgavevictorytoPeronintheelectionsbycapitalizingontheworkersvotewasthenliquidatedbyPeronhimself,whoforceditsdissolutioninitsbourgeoisparty,andsenttoprisonforyearsitsmaximumleader,CiprianoReyes,atthesametime bureaucratizingtheunionleadership,transformingthemintoofficialsoftheMinistryofLabour.
Wewereasmallgroup,notabigparty,andwecouldnotpreventthePeronistprocess,seatedonanexceptionaleconomicconjuncturethatallowedtheproletariattoconquerhugeconcessionsfromthebourgeoisiebyareformistpath,withoutbreakingtheframeworkofthecapitalistsystem.Butwedidtakepartinitwithallboldness.WeachievedtheleadershipofAnglo-Ciabasa,thecountry’slargestmeatworks—whichwasalsothelargestcompany—andtohaveagreatweightaroundtheguild.ThetidetowardPeronismpassedusover,butithadalreadybeenshownwhataTrotskyistpoliticallineandorganizationcandowhenitjoinsandtakesadvantageoffavourablesocialprocesses.
ThesecondprocesswastheliquidationoftheoldPeronistbureaucracyofEspejo[10]andcompany.Itdevelopedbetween1952and1959,firstridingonthegrowingdissatisfactionwiththeanti-workerpoliciesofPeroninthelastyearsofhisgovernment,andthenontheheroicresistancetothegorillacoup.Thisnewleadershipalsocrystallizedinapoliticalexpression,almostaparty:the62Organizations.
ItwasthetimeofourentryismintoPeronism;apolicyneverunderstoodintheinternationalTrotskyistmovement.WealwaysdistinguishtwosegmentswithinPeronism.One,weconsidertotallyrotten,despicablesincebirth,thePeronistParty—andletusnoteventalkaboutthe“women’sbranch”!Wealwaysconsideredthemtobereactionaryby-products,fifth-orderphenomena.Theothersegment,whichalwaysinterestedus,wasthetradeunionmovement.Therewemadeentryism,andwe’reproudofit.
Today,the62Organizationsarenothing.ButatthattimegravitatedtothemallthegrassrootsPeronistgroups,thousandsofextremelymilitantactivists,thecreamofthelabourmovement,whofoughtfrom1956againstthegorillasandrecoveredthetradeunions.PalabraObrera[WorkersWord],togetherwithgrassroots PeronistsintheMovementofWorkersGroups,foundedmanyofthesegroupsandrecoveredfromthemilitarycontrollersseveralofthemostimportantunions.Afterwards,allthismovementwasorganizedbythe62Organizations,andwithinthem,wewereapower.
Westillremainedagroupofjustover100comrades,immersedintheworkingmassoverwhelminglyPeronist.However,wedidwonders.WewerethestrongestintheUOM(MetalworkersUnion)ofAvellaneda,MatanzaandBahíaBlancaandsecondinFederalCapitalandotherregionalbranches.Thelargemetalworkers’strikeof1956wasledbyus.Thedefeatofthisstrikepreventedusfrombecomingamassworkersparty,althoughwehadmassinfluenceinthetradeunionarena.Sogreatbecameourinfluenceourhandfulofmilitantsmanagedtosellupto10,000weeklynewspapers.
AgainPeronismthroughthenewbureaucracyofVandor,Framiniandcompanyclosedthewaytous.
Thereisathirdprocess,aborted,ofchangeofleadershipthattook place between1969and1975,fromtheCordobazo.[11]StartswithSitrac-Sitram[12]andcontinueswithTosco,PiccininiandthecoordinatingcommitteesoftheRodrigazo[13]in1975.Bythistime,weestimatethatabout25percentoftheworkingclassalreadyhadanewleadership,opposedtothebureaucracy.
Thisnewleadershipalsohadaclearpoliticalsign:itwaspro-guerrilla.Wealsoplayedalargeroleinitsconstruction,forexampleinthecoordinatingcommitteesofthenorthernsuburbsofGreatBuenosAires.But,asweshallsee,wedidnottakefulladvantageofthisopportunity.
Thenewleadershipabortedinthemostdisgracefulway.Itspro-guerrilla,elitistcharacterendedisolatingitfromtherankandfile.The1976coupphysicallyexterminatedorforceditintoexile.However,thegenocidecouldnotcuttheprocessinanothersense:thePeronistunionbureaucracydidnotstoprotting;thehatredoftherankandfiledidnotstopgrowing.
Onthisfertilegroundbrokeouttherevolutionarystageweareliving,fullyopeningthisfourthchangeintheworkersleadership.Butthistimetheopportunityisqualitativelysuperior,oneofthosethatonlyoccurevery30,40or50yearsduetoacombinationofcircumstances:
1)Becauseittakesplaceinarevolutionarystage,notreformistasthepreviousones.Thedeclineofthecountryissuchthatitturnsthe economicstrugglesoftheclassintoanti-capitaliststruggles.Therevolutionaryupsurgeopenedwiththe Malvinas [war]hasreturnedanddeepeneditscourseafteraninterregnumofonlyhalfayearafterAlfonsín’swin.
2)Theoldbureaucracyisalreadyastinkingcorpse,withoutanypossibilityofbeingreconstitutedasitwasinearliertimes.
3)Peronismisexperiencinganapparentlyunresolvablecrisis.
4)Ourcompetitors“ontheleft”,aswehaveseen,arehamstrungbytheirownpolicyofsupporttothegovernmentandtheregimeand/orofa shamefulreactionarybranchofaPeronismindecomposition.
5)Forthefirsttimewefacethissituationwithastrongparty,spreadnationwide,withhundredsifnotthousandsofoldandnewcadres,andwithalongtraditionandexperiencesignpostedbythegloriousnamesoftheGrupoObreroMarxista(MarxistWorkersGroup),PalabraObrera(WorkersWord)andPartidoSocialistadelosTrabajadores(SocialistWorkersParty).
Weareatacrossroads
Thesituationoftheclassstruggleandofthepartyitselfputusinacrossroads.Thereisanironlawforrevolutionarysocialists:ifwearenotasect,everygreatuntappedopportunityisequivalenttoreversalandcrisis.Allevolutionaryprojectofgradualdevelopmentisfalse.Ifwefollowtherhythmandtheorganizationalformthatthatwehavewewillnotgo“slowlybutsurely”forward;wewillgobackwardsfastandsurely.And,whatismoreserious,wewillnotrespondtoaproblemoflifeanddeathfortherevolutioninArgentina:eitherourpartybecomesamasspartyoragainwewilllosethisgreatrevolutionaryhistoricalopportunity,whichisthelargestthatourcountryhaseverlived.Ifwesaynotobuildinghereandnowthebigpartyoftherevolution,firmlyrooted,weldedtothemassmovementandtheworkersvanguard,thealternativeisanewcoupandanewgenocide,farworsethanthedictatorshipwehavejustdefeated.
Weneed,therefore,anurgentpartisanrevolution.Notinourpolicy,thishasbeenprovencorrect.Butindeedinouractivityandorganization.Sincetherevolutionaryperiodopened,wehavegonethroughtwostagesintheactivityandpartyorganization:oflegalityfortheelectionsandthe“transitional”one.Nowwehavetofully moveontoathirdstage,ofthenewrevolutionarysituation.
Wefacedtheelectoralstagewithapartythat,intheunderground,forwhateverreasons—justifiedornot—wasorganizedessentiallyinthecentreofthelargecities.And,inthebigcities,mainlyinBuenosAires,asinothers,suchasCordobaandRosario,weweremuchpersecuted.ItbecameapartyalmostofBuenosAiresand,asitwastheeraofeasymoney,focusingontheguildsasbanking,whereitwaseasiertogetajobbecauseitwasthebranchthatwasdevelopingmore.
Whenwerealizedthatthedictatorshipwasfinished,thatastageofextensivedemocraticfreedomswascomingandelectionswereinevitable,weadoptedatranscendent,boldorganizationaldecision,toadaptthepartytothenewsituation.Withoutthisresolution,theanalysiswouldhavebeenfornothing.Theresolutionwas:togetoutofthethreesmallpremises,superclandestine,thepartyhadandtoopen200to300premisesinthemostworking class,peripheral,neighbourhoods.Thesepremisesbecamethecentralorganizationalformoftheparty,andtheygaveusanextraordinaryoutcome.
Whenweentereddirectlyintotheelectioncampaign,wetookthetaskofopening200or300premisesmore,inanyway.Theleapwasimmense.Wegrewsomuchandthepartybecamesostrongthatpremiseswereopenedwithoutuspayinganyrent:theywereprovidedbyworkers,collectionsweretakenintheneighbourhoods,andsoon.TheculminationofthisleapwastherallyinLunaParkstadium.Wegottosell60,000newspapers.Wedon’tknowwhetherwehad10,15,20or22thousandmilitants.
Inordertoadoptthisorganizationalform,wetookintoaccounttherealityofthecountryandoftheworkersmovementandthesituationoftheparty.WecouldopenthepremisesbecauseinthelabourmovementtherewasabeginningofaruptureofafringewithPeronism,whichgaveustherawmaterialstodoso.Andalsobecausethepartyhadthenecessarycadres.Letusrecallthat,attheendofthecampaignofopeningpremises,virtuallyeveryoneofthemwasrunbyasinglecomrade:thecadreor,tostartfamiliarisingourselveswiththeLeninistterminology,the“chief”ofthepremises.
Thusweenterthesecondstage,the“transitional”onecausedbytheelections.Itwouldseemthatalreadyoneortwomonthsbeforethemourreversalhadbegun.AsPeronismandAlfonsínwereconsolidating,majorsymptomswereappearingthatnofragmentofthemasseswascomingtowardsus,alongwiththosewhohadbeenstartingtoleaveus.Therewasconsiderabledoubtwithintheparty.Almostallthecadreswereoftheopinionthatwewerenotlosing.Afewmembersindicatedthattothemeetingsatourpremisesincreasinglyfewercomradeswerecoming.Butthesehypotheses,theywerejustthat,werenotsufficienttodecideaneworganizationalchange.Youhadtotakeintoaccountthatitisverydangeroustochangetheorganizationalformsfromonedaytothenext,withoutsufficientprecisiononthecharacterizations,in an irresponsibly way,whenwewerestillimmersedintheelectoralcampaign.Imaginewhatwouldhavehappenedtothepartyifwehadbeguntheclosepremisesbeforethe elections.
Theelectoraldefeatclearlymanifestedthetwophenomenawehadnotclearlydetectedinpreviousweeks:wehadnotmanagedtoretainaroundpartyanysectorofmassesand,reflectingthis,wewerelosinghundredsandthousandsofmembers.Wecandiscussifwelostafewthousandormorethan10,000.Butthetruthisthatpremisesemptiedatsupersonicspeed.
Onaccountofthisdoublephenomenon,objectiveandsubjective,wechangedourorganizationalbasisfrom30October.Intheentiretyofthemassmovementreigned“democratic”drunkennessexpectationsinthenewregimeandgovernment.Andwehadbeenreducedtoanumberoforganizedmilitantswho,inthebesthypothesis,hoveredatafewthousand.Weanalysedwehadbeenleftat(orreturnedto)thecategoryof“vanguardparty”.Weadoptedanorganizationalformofregression.Wewenttolargerpremises.Wegatheredthecomradestobetterwithstandthedownpour.Wetookasessentialtasktheconsolidationofthepartybuildingthroughpoliticization.
Wearenowenteringathirdstage.Webelievethedownpourisover.Thereisdiscontentagainstthegovernment,whichhasprovedweakandwithserioussymptomsofcrisis.Strikesbreakout.Anewworkersleadershipemergesatestablishmentorsectionlevel.Itseemsthesectorswehadinfluencedduringtheelectioncampaignarereturningtous.Itislikelythatnewsectorsareemerging—stillminority—intheworkersandmassmovementwhoarebreakingwithPeronismdeepeningitscrisisorwhostarttobebackquicklyfromthisshortAlfonsinistspring.Whatisnew:wearestartingtowinforthepartythebestoftheworkingclass.Andwecome out fromourreversalwithabout1,500cadres.
Wecannolongercontinuetobelockedinthepremises.Wehavetogooutagaintorepeat,yetonamuchhigherlevel,theformidableexperiencethatwastoopenthepremises,toholdarallyinLunaParkstadiumandtosell60,000newspapers.Wehavetorepeat,correctedandexpanded,thisstage,whichweclaimasthemostbrilliantandcolossalinthehistoryofourparty.Whereweweremillimetresawayfrombecomingapartywithmassinfluence.
Itisverycommonforlargemovementsondeathrowdotheirlastshowofstrengthbeforedisappearingfromthehistoricalprocess.AnditisverylikelythattherecentelectionhasbeenthelastornexttolastsamplesofPeronismandradicalismasmassmovements.
Itisanopportunityaswehadnoother.Weareatthestagewherewecanandmustmultiplythesaleofthenewspaperinnewcompanies,neighbourhoods,schoolsandcolleges.Astheshadowfollowsthebody,behindthepapermustfollowthepartyorganismsinthoseplaceswherewesellthem.Previouslyitwasnewspapersandneighbourhoodpremises.Nowwehaveaheadofusnewspapersandbuildingpartyandyouthgroupsinthousandsoffactories,offices,schools,universitiesandworkersandpopularneighbourhoods.
Thepartygroups
Wearefacing,thenatasksimilar,inasense,totheopeningofpremises.Whenweopenedthem,wediditbasedonadeepsocio-culturalanalysisoftheworkingclass.Today,betweenovertime,travel,etc.,nearlyallworkersareoutsidetheirhousenofewerthan12hours.Longtravel,longhours,andbrutalworkravagethem.WewouldnothavebeenMarxistsifwehadignoredthisreality,openinglargepremisesinthetowncentresandcallingforworkerstocometothem.Wedidtheopposite:wewentwheretheworkersare,wheretheylived,whereonSaturdayafternoonsorSundaystheycouldchatwithuswithoutthismeaninganadditionalsacrifice.Thefactthatthecentralactivitywastheelectionwasthesecondreasonforustoadopttheorganizationalformofpremises.
Nowwemustdothesame.Wemustgowheretheworkersare.Nowitisn’ttoopenthepremisesintheneighbourhoods,butsurelywewillalsodoso.Thisisprimarilytoorganizetheworkerswheretheyfightandwherethenewleadershipemerges:intheworkplaces.Ourmajorfocusistoorganizepartygroupsinworkplaces.Wehavetoadaptourorganizationtoourclass:wheretheywork,wheretheylive,whereveritisconvenienttothem.Which alsoiswhereitshouldbemoreconvenientforus.Thusisbecomesmucheasiertodisciplinethecomradesfortheactivityinfavouroftheparty.
Beforewehadadoptedthisorientationintheleadership,thereweresomecomradeswhohadbeguntodiscussitandtestit.IntheSomisasteelworksinSanNicolas,forexample,thepartyhad80or100workersveryfirm,withstrongdues,doingthetasksweproposedtothemandsomeweredelegates.Butincreasinglyfewerofthemwerecomingtothemeetinginthepremises.Thesecretwasthattheywereworkingupto16hoursperday,leavingwork exhausted.
HowmanymilitantsdidwehaveinSomisa?Thereweretwocriteria:ifweorganizedatthefactorywehadseveraldozens.Ifwedidatthemeetinginthepremises,theyweresixorseven.
Rightatthetimewhenthecomradeswerediscussingthis,wehadbeenreadingaboutthesituationoftheAmericanproletariat.WefoundstatementsbyaunionrepresentativeattheGeneralMotorsplantinLordstown,whichwefoundinterestingandenlightening:
“The8-hourdaydoesn’ttrulyexist.Thereare16-hour,12-hourdays,sixdaysaweek.Youcannothaveasociallife.Theonlysociallifewecanhaveiswithinthefactory”(NewYorkTimes,19September1983).
Thiswasaglobalphenomenon:theriseofbrutalcapitalistexploitation.Weunderstoodwhatwashappeningwithour80or100Somisacomrades:theydidnotcometothepremisesbecausetheyweresmashedandbrutalizedbytheworkandhadnotimeordesiretocome.Wequicklyagreed:wehadtoholdmeetingsatthefactory,not evenafter the end of shift.
Thisistheapproachwemusttaketobuildpartygroups:doitwhereverthecomradeswant,inthefactory,atthetimeofrestingorinthebathroom,inacafeafterwork,intheneighbourhood...Ifinafactorythecomradesgatherdailyfor15to20minutes,intheweekwehaveaverygoodmeetingoftwoandahalforthreehours.
Theretheproblemsoftheworkplaceandtheguildwillbediscussed,aswellasalltheproblemsoftheclassstruggleandofnationalandinternationalpolitics.
Andwhatanextraordinaryunitywillthispartygrouphave,becauseitsmembersworktogethereveryday!Whatbetterchancetofightagainstthebourgeoisie,there,specifically,inthissectionorthisfactory?Onlythuswillthepartyreallystarttobethecollective,politicalandunion,organizeroftheworkersvanguard.
Ifwebuildthesegroupswearemakingarealhumanorganization.Thismeansthatnoteverythingwillbethesame,butonthecontraryverydiverse.Nogroupwillbesimilartoanother,asinaschool,wherenoclassisthesameasanotheroranyotherstudentequalsanother.Therearebadandgoodstudents.Therearealsosomemediocre.Therearegoodandbadclasses.Somelearnmuchanddolittlemess.Otherslearnlittleanddomuchmess.Thereareothersthatlearnmuchandalsomakemuchmess.Andtherearesomeaverage,underperforminganddoingalittlemess.Wewillhavegood,mediocreandbadgroups.Somewillbegoodtobeginwithandthentheywilldecline.Otherswillbethelastthetotempoleandthenwillgiveusasurprise.Ifallgroupshavethesameaverageofnewspaperssold,payedasduesthesameamountofmoney,hadthesameinsertionorunioninfluence,etc.,thensomethingverystrangeisgoingon.Allareequal.If,however,thereareprofounddifferences,wehaveapartyalive,whichbeginstobeofmassesandreflectsthechanginganddiverseprocessofourclass.
Allwehavetoaskofthenewgroupsistoworkfortheparty,evenalittlebiteveryday.Henceourdefinitionofwhatitisatthisstagethepartymilitant,muchliketheonetheIIIInternationalhad:
“In order to carry out daily party work, every party member should as a rule always be part of a smaller working group(…) Organic links are forged between the various parts of the organization and among individual members by day-to-day collective work in the party organizations. (…) Obviously, (…) membership in the Communist Party involves as a rule: formal admission, possibly first as a candidate, then as a member; regular payment of established dues; subscription to the party press, etc. Most important, however, is the participation of every memberin daily party work.”
Thenewspaper
Thegreattoolforbuildingthepartyandthenewgroupsisthenewspaper.Hencewestartedour“comingoutwards”byproposingaleapintheplacementofthenewspaper.
Thereisnopossibilityofbuildingpartyorganismsonanybasisotherthanthepoliticalunityofthosewhocomposethemaroundthepartypoliticalline.Wecannotmeettojustmeet.Wemeettoact.Nogroupcansurviveifitdoesn’thaveaspecific,practicalactivityonthesectorinwhichitoperates.Agroupinafactoryorneighbourhoodmeetstodiscussandarmallthecomradesinthepartypoliticallineandtoknowwhateachmilitanthastodothenextdayinthatfactoryorneighbourhood.Howmanycontactsofthepartydowehave?Howmanyunionactivistsrespectusandarewillingtodiscusswithushowtoorganizethefactoryorwhattodointheunion?Whoisresponsibleforcontactingandtalkingtotheseactivists?Whatdoweproposetoeachofthem?WhatdoweintendtodowiththeInternalCommissionandtheBodyofDelegates?Whatactivitiesdoesthegrouppursuetocarryforwardnationalandinternationalcampaignsoftheparty?Whatcanyoudointhecompanyorintheneighbourhood,forexample,forNicaragua?Andforhumanrights?AndagainsttheIMF?
Themeetinghastoanswerallthesequestionsanddistributeamongthecomradesalltheactivity.Peterspeakswithandsellsthepapertosuchandsuchworkerswholookatuswithpoliticalsympathy.Paul,whoisverysmartwithunionmatters,chatswiththebestactivistsandalsosellsthemthenewspaper.Mary,whostilldoesn’tdaretospeakinthefactorybutisveryorderly,leadsthefinanceandadministrationofthenewspaperandtriestosellthenewspaperinherneighbourhoodorherfamilies.Andallofthemdiscussthepaperanditspoliticalcampaignswithallreaders,lookingforon whatissuewecanwinthemtoparticipateorpropagandizethe partypositions.IfatthefactoryatalkaboutNicaraguadoesn’tcomeabout,perhapsithappensintheneighbourhood.Andmaybe,whoknows,wegetagreatchatwithfellowfactoryworkerstoexplainwhyweshouldnotpaytheforeigndebtifwewantwageincreases.Thepossibilitiesofactivityareendless,buttheyallhaveonethingincommon:thenewspaper.Preciselybecausethenewspaperisthemouthpieceoftheparty’spoliticalline,andinthisway,itorganizesallouractivity.
Therefore,theconstructionofnewpartygroupsismediatedbytheplacementofthenewspaper.Ingeneral,itwillbemucheasiertoholdameetingifthosewewanttoattendknowourpolicyandtrajectorythroughthenewspaper.Andnooneistrulybeingwonorintheprocessofbeingwonforthepartyifhedoesn’twantthepartytogrow,tospread,tobecomestronger,startingwiththefirststep,thatmoreandmorepeoplereadourpaper.
Havingjuststarted,wearealreadyonthebrinkofmakingamistake,insomeplaceswehavealreadycommittedit:toputmeetingsaheadoftheincreaseinsalesofthenewspaper.Webustoursoulstryingtogetthenewcomradestothemeetingsorreunitingtheoldcomradesbeforecomingoutwithouralltomultiplythenumberofnewspapers.Sowefinditdifficulttogathertheoldandalmostimpossibletowinthenew.
Wemustdoittheotherwayaround.Wegooutwithourallwiththenewspaper.Wesellthemlikecrazyinthetermsofactivity,butalwaysthinking,characterizingandplanningthework.Andsowewillbefindingcomradeswho,sometimesontheirownandsometimesbecauseweproposeittothem,offertotakeanewspapertoselltoafriendoracquaintance.Thereappearsthehumanmaterialwithwhichtostartbuildingtheteam.Assoonaswehavetwo,threeorfourcomradesofthesamefactory,neighbourhood,schoolorcollege,themeetingbecomesarealneed,notsomethingimposedbyus.
Hence,wegiveparamountimportancetotwokeytasks:picketingandtheregistrationofnewspaperreaders.
Thepicketsshouldbesystematic,weekafterweekasfaraspossiblealwaysthesamecomrades.Theworkersofafactoryhavetogetusedtoseeing,atleastonceaweek,thesocialistssellingtheirpressatthedoor.Inthispoliticalsituation,ourpaperbecomesapointofreferenceforsectorsoftheworkingclass,althoughtheymaynotyetagreewithus.Alreadytherearenumerousanecdotesofsectorsoffactorieswhotalkaboutourpaperattheirbreak.Thereareworkerswhowaitforustobuythenewspaper.Therearenotmanythousandsyet,butmaybecomeso.Wehavetobethere.Ifwedon’thaveenoughresourcestopicketallthefactories,weselectthosewecantouch,butwedothepicketingsystematically.Topicketeveryweekadifferentfactoryhelpslittle.
Astheplacementofthenewspaperprogresses,theregistrationofwhobuyithastoadvance.Thepicketsatrailwaystationsandshoppingcentresareverygoodforthepartytowinthestreet,maketheirpoliticalpresencefelt.Butthemostimportantisthestructural,wherewehavetofinishknowingthefullnameandaddressofthebuyers.Intheneighbourhoodsitiseasier.Inthefactoriesitismoredifficult,butnotimpossible.Itisthereforeveryimportantforalwaysthesamecomradestobethere.Maybeweshouldnotaskthefirsttimethenameofthecomradebuyingnewspaper.Butitwouldbeafatalmistaketounderestimatethosewhoboughtitasecondtime.Thatcomradeisalmostcertainalreadyapartysupporter;hecanpotentiallybeamilitant.
Thepaperisthusthetool,themeansfortheconstructiontheparty,itsgroups,infactoriesandneighbourhoods.Theactivitystartsthere.Then,ofcourse,thereisadialectics.Wewillgainnewcomradeswhowillthemselvessellmorepapers.Wewillbuildpartygroupsthatwillsellsomuchmore.But,astheChinesesay,everyjourneyofathousandmilesbeginswiththefirststep.Andthefirststepistosellthenewspaper.
Thecadresor“chiefs”
Aswehavealreadypointedout,nobodyorgroupofthepartymayexistwithoutacomradeabletobuilditandrunit.Thiscomradeiswhatwecall“cadre”or“chief”.Specifically,wewillmanagetoorganizeasmanygroupsascadresthepartyhasorrecruitswhoarecapableofdoingthetask.
Partycadresnotalwaysoccupythesameplace.Manywhowerevanguardforthecentraltaskofastageoftenbecomerear-guardwhenthepartystagechangesand,withit,itscentraltask.Othersdon’t,andtheywillremainattheforefront.Andnewcadreswillappearwhodidnotlinkwiththepreviouscentraltaskbutarelionsforthenewtask.
Eachstagechangedemandsanewtestandselectionofpartycadres.Inthestageweareentering,thetestingandselectionbeginswiththesaleofthenewspaperandculminateswiththeconstructionofthenewpartygroups.Wehavetotestallthecomradeswhonominatedtobecadresandmanywhohavenotnominated—outoftimidityorbecausewedidn’texplainthetaskwell—butjustthesamewethinktheycanbeuptoit.
Thisdoesn’tmeanthatthecomradewhodoesn’tsell20newspapersfromthewordgoisn’tacadre.Hemaystartwithfewandworkup.Hemay bepoorsellingnewspaperspersonallybutveryadeptatgettingnewcomradestosellthem.Anycombinationmayhappen.Theonlythingincommonmustbeenthusiasm,thepassiontoincreasenewspapersalesweekafterweek.Thepoliticalunderstandingoftheneedtodosoisn’tenough;withoutthispassionnoadvanceispossible.
Andleastofallwillwedemandofhimtomeetwithanewpartygroupfromthebeginning.Yeswewilldemandmorereadersandthattheyberegistered.Fromthere,howherecruitssome;committingthemtowanttobepartymembers,tostartdistributingthenewspaper,ortodoanythingelseforthepartyeveniftheystilldon’tdaretosell,tostartpayingdues;andfinally,howhemanagestoformateamoffourorfivecomradeswhostartmeetingconsistently.Again,inthiswecannotbedogmatic,firstyousellandthenyoumeet.Itispossiblethatfromgoingtoafactoryeveryweek,westartgettingthreeorfourcomradeswhowanttotalktousbecausetheybuythepaperfromus,buttheydon’tyetsell.Inthiscase,weverypatientlyhavetomakethatmeetingbecomeanewpartygroupwhereeveryonegoesoutwithsomeactivityandsellingthenewspaper.Thevariationsareendless;ourgreatestdangerisdogmatism.
Thesewillbethevanguardcadresofthepartyatthisstage.Thosewhogoout,towardstheclassandthemasses.Thosewhocometoourpremisestoarmthemselvespoliticallyfortheactivityandcomeoutbuzzingtowardsthefactories,neighbourhoods,schoolsanduniversities.Thosewhofeeltheirplace,theirnaturalenvironmentareneitherthepartypremises,northeinternallife,buttheworkingclassorthestudents,whatisoutsideoftheparty.
Thatdoesn’tmeanthatonlytheyarecadres.Theyarethevanguard,thecrèmedelacrèmeofthepartyatthisstage.Butcadreisanycomradewhodedicatestothepartyalltheirefforts,whosacrificeshimselfeverydaygivingcountlesshoursoftheirlivestotheactivityoftheparty.Cadreisthecomradewhosellsveryfewnewspapersbutlovestopaintandgoeswithoutsleepforpaintingslogans.Orwhoeverydayarrangesourpremises,getschairs,hasitneatandtidy.Orhe’sagreatadministratorwhokeepstheaccountsandhasthemverywellcontrolledandfollowsupallcomradestogetthemuptobeuptodatewithduesandnewspapermoney.Orwhokeepsorganizingpeñas[folkgatherings],raffles,footballmatchesorwhatevertogetmoneyfortheparty.Orwhoisgreatstreetsellerofnewspapersatstationsandmalls,hedoesn’tenrolorrecruitsanyonebuthesellsdozensofnewspapersandmakesthepresenceofthepartyfelt.Orwhoguaranteesthemimeographisavailableatanytimeweneedtoprintsomething.Orathousandotheractivities.
Finally,therearecomradeswhoarecadresbytheirownweight,becausetheyareverygoodinaspecialty,althoughtheymaybesomehowlazyandsacrificelessthantherest.Cadreisagreatleaderofaunionorneighbourhood,perhapssomehowundisciplined,lookingafterhis“patch”,butrecognizedasaleaderinthefactoryorneighbourhood.Alsoacadreisagreatpropagandistfortheoutside,whohelpsthepartyalotbygivingtalksbecausehetrapsallwhohearhim.Orfortheinside,whogivesverygoodcoursesandthushelpstotrainthemilitants.Orothervariations,likegoodwritersandsoon.
Hierarchyofthepartystructure
Fromwhathasbeensaidsofarthedifferencebetweenacadreandarankandfilebaseemergesclearly.Someareveryactive,putbodyandsoulforthepartyinanytasksand/orplayaprominentroleintheclassstruggleorinsomespecificpartytask.Theothersarecomradeswhocarryouttheirdailyactivitiesintheirplaceofwork,studyorneighbourhood,sellsomenewspapersandpayduestotheparty,buttheyaren’tyetinvolvedinthepartyalltheirfreetimeordon’texcelinanyactivity.Manyoftherankandfilemilitantswillendupbeingcadresovertime.Someofthecadreswillceasetobe.Andwewillalsorecruitformedcadres,becausetheyhavebeentrainedinotherorganizationsorbecausetheclassstruggleitselfhasformedthem.Inanycase,asthepartygrowsandbecomesofmasses,wewillhavemoreandmorerankandfilemilitants,manymorethancadres.
Cadresandrankandfilemilitantshave,inasense,thesamerights.Theyallhave partyorgansinwhichtodiscussandvote;theyallhavethesamevotetoelectdelegatestopartycongresses,andsoon.Butthatdoesn’tmeanthatthepartydoesn’thaveahierarchyamongitsmilitants.Forusitisn’tthesamethecomradewhosacrificeseverythingforthepartyasthosewhodon’t.
Thecadrehasdifferentneedsfromtherankandfilemilitant.Thecadreseeksinthepartynotonlythepolicyresponsestotheclassstruggle,butalsointernalresponsesofallkinds:organizationalline,theoreticalcourses,andsoon.If,forexample,intheoutwardprocess,wewininaneighbourhoodacomradewhosellsusthreeorfourweeklynewspapersandwho’swillingtocontributefinancially,he’sarankandfilemilitant.Butifthatcomradebeginstogathertwoorthreeofthenewspaper’sreadersandmanagesthattogethertheysell15or20newspapers,he’sbecomingacadre.Immediatelyhe’sgoingtoaskusallkindsoforientation:Howtoorganizemeetings?Whattopicstodiscuss?Howtoprepareaninternational,nationaloractivityreport?Whatactivitywouldheassigntothecomradeshemeets?Thecomradehasbeguntolead.
Ofthesetwoelements,thedegreeofcommitmenttothepartyandtheneedsthatthisposes,thepartyhierarchyemerges.Acadrehasmorehierarchythanarankandfilemilitant.Similarly,aregionalleaderhasmorehierarchythanarankandfilecadre,sinceheactsandtriestoguideallcadresandmembersofthepartyregionandthisposesgreaterproblems:todevelopapolicyforthewholeregion,intheunion,neighbourhoodandstudentfronts;tofollowuptherelationswithpoliticalpartiesinthearea;toensurepartycoursesandschools;tohaveandensureanoverallplanoffinances;tohaveanapparatus;andsoon.Andwhatistheirmostimportanttask:trainingcadres.
Andthusupward,wherethemosthierarchizedcomradescan be found:thenationalleaders.Andevenmorehierarchical:theinternationalleaders.
Thishierarchicalstructuringissimilarinonesensebutoppositeinanothertowhathappensinanarmy.Inthebourgeoisarmytheriseinhierarchyisachievedbureaucraticallyandbydecisionofthehighesthierarchy:theCommanderinChief.Andnoonegoeslowerinhierarchyunlessforsomedishonourableactionorsomethingofthesort.Inthepartytherearenopermanenthierarchies.Anyonegoeslowerifnotperforming,andanyonerisesifperforming.Amilitantismoreorlesshierarchizedbyhisperformanceforthepartyandtheclassstruggleateverymoment.Butalso,therankingisdonedemocratically.Itistherankandfileoftheparty,nottheleadership,whoelectdelegatestothecongresses.Andthosecongressdelegateselecttheleadership.
Thehierarchyofthemilitantsisearnedbyindividualeffortandability,buttakesshapethroughtheorganismsoftheparty.Whatarehierarchicalinthepartyareitsorganisms:theCentralCommitteeistheorganismofnationalleaders;theregionalleadershipthatoftheregionandsoon.
Inthestageofreversal,defensive,ofthepartythatwehavejustleftbehind,ourgrassrootsorganizations,thelocalpremises,gatheredtogetherinassembliescadresandrankandfilemilitants,withnodifferenceswhatsoever.Thiswasnaturalbecause—beinglockedinabuilding—nomajordifferencesbetweenthemwerevisible.Butinthisnewerait’scategoricallynecessarytohaveahierarchyofthecadres.Wehavetogotowardstwoverydifferentmeetings:thecadresandrankandfileteams.Themeetinginthepremisesmustofthecadresandforthem.Theymust,inadditiontothemeetingitself,haveaspecialtreatment:internalnewsletterforthemandnotforallmembers;coursesandschoolsforthem,andsoon.Therankandfilehavetheirownmeetingsintheirneighbourhoods,factoriesandschools(andiftheywantto,alsointhepremises),underthedirectionofoneortwocadres.
Likeanycategoricalline,especiallyifitisintheorganizationalfield,thiscanleadtoseriouserrors,ofwhichwe’realreadyalertingnow.Itisaverygraveerrortoseparatecomradesfromthetraditionalmeetingsinthelocalpremisesbecausewedon’tconsiderthemcadres.Andthis,fordifferentreasons:
1)Becauseouroutwardsexpansion,towardstheconstructionofnewrankandfilegroupsoftheparty,isstillinitsearlystages.It’saverybadthingtoremoveacomradefromabodyifthereisn’talreadyanotherbodyinwhichtoincorporateher.Ifwedoso,we’lllosemanyvaluablecomrades.
2)Becauseouroutwardsexpansionbeingstillweak,wehavenocriteria,objectiveevidenceastowhorespondsascadreandwhodoesn’t.Wewouldbemakingthedivisionbetweencadresandrankandfilemilitantsinthelaboratoryofourheads,ratherthanmakingitinthelaboratoryofpartyactivityandtheclassstruggle.This waywewilllosemanypotentialcadres,whocouldbecomesoifweguidethemandhelpthemintheiractivity,whowanttobe,butarenotthereyet.
3)Because,aswithanyprocess,ithasatransition.Therevolutionistoensurethatourmeetingsbecomecadresmeetingsbecause oftheircontent:itisdiscussed,itisplanned,voted,andtheactivityiscontrolledasiftheywereallcadres.Butnobodyisseparatedfromthemeetingsofcadresfornow.Thosewhoarenotupforthestandardofthemeetingwillnoticeitandtheywillnaturallywanttochangetootherkindofmeetings,ofrankandfile,wheretheywillfeelcomfortable.
4)Becauseweareverypoortocorrectlylocatethecomrades,asweshallseelater.Andweshouldn’tdismissanyoneascadreuntilwehavemadealltheeffortsandpossible locations,stimuliand variantshavebeenofferedtogetthemallexcitedandtakeinfulltheactivityofacadre.
Therefore,inthistransition,thehierarchyofcadresshouldbedoneaccordingtoafundamentalcriterion:enthusiasm,passionfortheactivity.Firstofall,thepassionforsellingthenewspaper.Andalsothepassionforanyactivityintheclassstruggleandinthebuildingoftheparty.
Thegreattaskoftheleadership:placing,givinginitiativeandmotivatingcadresandmilitants
Ithappensquiteoftenthatwedismissascadrescomradeswhoareactivealldayandeverydayorarebrilliantinsomeaspectofpartyworkjustbecausetheydon’tdowellthecorebusinessofthestage:now,forexample,tosellnewspapersandbuildpartygroups.Weareagainstdoingthis.Ifcadresdon’tperformfortheparty,it’snottheirresponsibility,buttheregionalleadership’s,whohavefailedtoplacethemitinanactivitywheretheyperform,ortoexcitethem,motivatethemforactivity.
Itisquitecommonforustobeunilateral,formal,dogmatic,administrative.Wemayaspirethatallcadresandmilitantsdothesametask,andinthesameway.And,inthisway,weletthemmoveawayornot perform for the party valuablecomradeswhoarenotgood at,ordon’tknow how,ordon’tfeelcomfortabledoingthattask.Ifinateamofcadreswefindthattheyalldounionwork,forexample,allsellthesameamountofnewspapers,etc.,somethingisverywrong.Weeitherhavealreadyletgoofothercadreswhohaddifferentcharacteristics,insteadofplacingthemwheretheycanperform.Orwe’reforcingeveryonetodothesame,andthemajorityofthecomradesfeelbad,depressed,uncomfortable,andstillactiveonlythroughdisciplineandmorale,manyofthemapproachingcrisis.
Thissamethingmayalsobemovedtothenewpartygroupsthatweareforming.Iftherankandfilecadrehasnotseentheregionaldirectorateorganizingitwithacorrectmethod,hewillmovethissamebureaucraticoradministrativemethodtonewcomradesinthenewgroups.There,theharmfulresultswillbeseenevenfaster,preciselybecausetheyarenewandhavenotyetreachedthelevelofdisciplineofthecadres.Simply,thecomradeswillthink,“I’mnogoodatwhatthepartyisaskingme”,andmoveaway.