Nahuel MorenoOrganizational Issues

OrganizationalIssues

NahuelMoreno

International Workers Unity – Fourth International (IWU_FI)

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Nahuel MorenoOrganizational Issues

On16July,1984ComradeNahuelMorenowasinvitedbytheSocialistYouthtogiveatalkaboutorganizationalissuesoftherevolutionaryparty.Thetextthatfollowsisthecorrectedtranscription.

Howtoorganizeourselvesinthenewrevolutionarysituation?

AtthelastmeetingoftheNationalCommittee,wedidananalysisofthenewrevolutionarypoliticalsituationthatisopeninginourcountrysincethegreatwaveofstrikesinJuneandwevotedaseriesofresolutionstosuitthepartyactivityandorganizationtothisnewsituation.Thereisadangerthattheadopted resolutionsbeconstruedasaformalchangeoftheorganizationalstructureofthepartyandnotforwhatittrulyshouldbe:theadaptationoftheorganizationalformsofthepartytoanew,revolutionarystage,ofintenseagitationontheworkingclassandmassmovementthatwillallowustoqualitativelymoveforwardinourorganicembeddinginourwork,studyandhousingplaces.Inotherwords,anewphaseinwhichweaimtotakeadvantageofthefavourableobjectiveconditionsandtheprogressweachievedintherecentpasttobuildthousandsofteams,circlesorpartygroupsincompanies,colleges,schoolsandworkersandpopularneighbourhoods.

Toavoidasfaraspossiblethatthistruerevolutionofpartyactivitybeinterpretedasanadministrativeorbureaucratic“revolution”ofourcurrentorganizationalstructures,weneedtogivetheresolutionsofthelastNCatheoreticalandpoliticalframework.Thisisthepurposeofthisdocument.

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Nahuel MorenoOrganizational Issues

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Nahuel MorenoOrganizational Issues

1.Theoryandhistoryoftheworkers’revolutionaryorganization

Theimportanceoftheorganization

Ingeneral,theissueoforganizationseemssomethingsecondary,thatwetendtobelittle,thatitpalescomparedtootherissues,either“philosophical”(asdialecticorthetheoryofalienation),orexcitingdiscussionsontheeconomicorpoliticalsituation(Whathappenswiththeimperialisteconomy?Isorisn’ttherearevolutionarysituationinArgentinaorBrazil?Slateswhichare“pure”anti-bureaucraticorforthedefeattheunionbureaucrat?Andsoon).However,theorganizationalissueiscentral,tosomeextent,totheMarxistrevolutionaryactivity.Theprogramandpoliciesanswerthequestion:Whatarethetasks,objectivesorslogansthatmobilizethemassestowardsthesocialistrevolutiontoday?Instead,theorganizationalissueanswersthequestions:Whatorganizationdoesthemassmovementadopttodaytofight?Withwhatorganizationwilltheworkingclasstakeandexercisepower?Howisthepartywhichintendstoleadthestruggle,revolutionandworkers’powerorganizedateachstageoftheclassstruggle?

Theorganizationalissueiscrucialtosuchanextentthat,contrarytowhatmanybelieve,therewerenottwobutthreegreatleadersoftheRussianRevolutionandtheBolshevikParty.AlongwithLeninandTrotskywasSverdlov,thesecretarygeneral,theorganizeroftheBolshevikParty.YakobMikhailovichSverdlovisn’trememberedbyanytreatiseoneconomics,philosophyorMarxistpolitics.Nooneisinterestedinacollectionofhiscompleteworks—ifitexists.Buthewasthemostloved,mostrespectedmanoftheBolshevikParty.Sogreatwashimthatwhenhedied,hewasreplacedbyfourofthetopBolshevikleaders,andthefourfailed:theycouldnothandlethetask.

Lenin,whodidnotusedemagogueryorwaspronetopraise,definedhim,inaspeechathisfuneralasthe“proletarianleaderwhodidmorethananybodytoorganisetheworkingclassandtoensurevictory”(V.I.Lenin,CollectedWorks,Volume29,ProgressPublishers,Moscow,1965,p.95).Andinhismemorialspeechdeliveredon18March,1919heclarifiedwhythesewords:

“Peoplewhojudgebywhattheyseeonthesurface[…]considerthemoststrikingfeatureofourrevolutiontobethedeterminedandrelentlesslyfirmwayithasdealtwiththeexploitersandtheenemiesoftheworkingpeople.Thereisnodoubtthatwithoutthis,withoutrevolutionaryviolence,theproletariatcouldnothavetriumphed.Norcantherebeanydoubtthatrevolutionaryviolencewasanecessaryandlegitimateweaponoftherevolutiononlyatdefinitestagesofitsdevelopment,onlyunderdefiniteandspecialconditions,andthatafarmoreprofoundandpermanentfeatureofthisrevolutionandconditionofitsvictorywas,andremains,theorganisationoftheproletarianmasses,theorganisationoftheworkingpeople.Anditisthisorganisationofmillionsofworkingpeoplethatconstitutesthebeststimulantfortherevolution,itsdeepestsourceofvictory”(Ibid,p.89,highlightbyNM).

ForLenin,theorganizationisa“farmoreprofoundandpermanentfeature”oftherevolutionthanrevolutionaryviolenceitself.Thatis,atapolethereisaction,movement,thestruggle,thespontaneityofthemasses.Attheotherpolethereistheorganization,whichstructures,providescontinuity,permanencytotheseactionsormobilizations.Withoutgreatstrugglesandmobilizationsthereisnorevolution.Butneitheristhereonewithoutorganization:thestrugglesdissolve;theheroicactionsofthemassesarelost...

Itissomuchsothatthepartydoesn’thandleexclusivelysloganscallingtothestruggleandsettingagoal for it,butitalsoputsforthorganizationalslogans.Now,forexample,weagitatetheobjectiveofthestruggle:wages.Wecallforaparticularformormethodofstruggle:thegeneralstrike;wealsoagitatehowtoorganizethatstruggle:massassembliesinthefactories,electionofdelegates,strikepickets,etc.

Theissueoforganizationisverydifficult,verycomplex,becauseitcontainsinitselfacontradiction,whichsometimesbecomesacute.Anyorganizationorstructureisconservative,preciselybecauseittendstopreventwhatexistsfromdisappearing,frombeingdestroyed.Butatthesametime,theworkingclassadoptsorneedsrevolutionaryorganizationstofightanddefeatthebourgeoisie,todestroythecapitalistsystem.

Argentineworkers,forexample,wonlargeandpowerfultradeunions,withwhich,formanyyears,untilthecrisismadeitimpossible,onlyinthelastdecade,theyachievedthegoalofdefendingtheirlivingstandards.ButthisorganizationhadandhasatremendousconservativeweightintheArgentineproletariat,whichallowsthatatitsheadbeelementsofextremeright,thePeronistbureaucracy,andatthemomentitdoesn’tposeatalltheneedforarevolutionaryleadershipintheunionsnor,evenless,arevolutionaryworkersparty.

Theorganizationalissueissodifficultpreciselybecauseofthiscontradiction.Ifindeedarevolutionarypartyisgoingtobetheleadershipofthemassmovement,itbecomestheproblemofproblems:Whatorganicrelationshipisestablishedbetweenthepartyandthemasses?

TheSovietsareanorganizationalformofthemassmovement.Theyrulewithgoodorbadpoliticalline.Politicallineisveryimportant,butwithoutsovietsitwouldnothavebeenpossibletotakepower,regardlessofhowgoodtheBolshevikspoliticallinewas.Theyarethearmythatmobilizesinanorganizedwaythemassestotakepowerandrule.But,inturn,thereistheparty,whichistheGeneralStaffofthisarmy,whichgathersthemostmilitantandconsciousvanguard.Andthisraisesasecondproblem:WhatorganizationalformhastohavethepartyinordertoleadandhaveanincreasinglycloserelationshipwiththeSovietsandthemassesthatareinthem?

Thefirstproblem,theorganizationofthemasses,issomewhatsimplerthanthesecond.Thepartycannotinventorimposeorganizationalformstothemasses.Themassesthemselvescreatethem.Thegreatartofthepartyistodiscoverwhenthefirstsymptomsappear,andagitateforthemtobecomegeneralized.Or,iftheydon’tappear,patientlyadvisethemassesofsomeorganizationalformaccordingtothesituationandhistoricalexperience.Thus,wewereabletoraisethesloganofcoordinatingcommitteesin1975,relyingonthehistoricalexperienceofinter-factories20yearsbefore.OrtodaytoraisethesloganofmilitiasoftheCOBandthepeasantFederationinBolivia,andthatbothmassorganizationstakepower,drawingonthelessonsofthe1952revolution.

Theproblemoftheorganizationoftheparty,however,isinourhands.Themassescandowondersofheroismandforgemagnificentrevolutionaryorganizationstoseizepower.Butifwedon’tmanagetogetrightourownorganizationalform,thatitwillallowustobuildtheGeneralStaffofthosestrugglesandorganizations,ifwedon’tmanagetofirmlyorganize,tostructurewithironbondsourinfluenceandthesympathythatawakensourpoliticallineandprogramamongthemasses,usandtherevolutionarelost.LookattheexampleofBolivia:plentyrevolutionarystruggle;plentyofmassorganizationtoseizeandexercisepower;ampleprogram...butlackingthepartyasorganicstructurewithitsrootsfirmlyplantedintheheartoftherevolutionarymasses.Thatisthegreatproblem,oflifeanddeathtobesolvedinBolivia.Anditalsois,althoughwestartfromaqualitativelysuperiorsituationofourpartyandaslowerrevolutionarypaceofobjectivereality,inArgentina.

Changeinmassorganizations

Theworkingandmassmovementpermanentlychangesitsorganizationalforms.Therearechangesthathavetodowithbroadhistoricalstages,andexpressstructuraltransformationsoftheworkingclass.Forexample,unionsbyguildreflectedasectionoftheworkingclass,specializedandcloserintheirsocialandproductivelifetothecraftsectorthantothemodernhighlyconcentratedindustrialworkingclass.Tradeunionsbyindustryreflectthelatter.

Therearechanges,moreover,thathavetodowiththespecificsituationoftheclassstruggle.Ifthereisaretreatoftheworkingclass,thistakesrefugeindefensiveorganizations,unions.Insituationsofextremedefeat,itcangettoorganizeitselfeveninbenefitsocietiesorcooperatives.Butifweareexperiencingarevolutionaryupsurge,soonerorlaterorganizationalformsofpowerappear,suchastheRussianSoviets,theChilean“industrialbelts”,ortheunionsthemselveschangecharactertransformingthemselvesintobodiesofpower,astheBolivianCOB.Inparallel,theclassorganizesmilitias.

Wehavealsoseenrevolutionsofthepeasantry,suchtheChinese,VietnameseandCuban,wheredifferentmassorganizationsdifferent emerged:theguerrillaarmies.

Thesameoccursinafactory.Usually,theworkingclass[inArgentina]isorganizedthroughtheInternalCommissionandthebodyofdelegates.Butwhenthereisalargeinternalrepression,eitherfromthebossesorthebureaucracy,sometimestheyevengettoorganizebymeansoffootballmatches.Whenthereisnostruggle,assembliesareheldveryrarely,ornotatall.Butwhenthereisstruggle,oritisgettingprepared,theassemblybecomestheprimaryorganizationaltoolforallworkers.Iftheygooutonstrike,thestrikecommitteeappearswhichisveryoftendifferentfromthelegalandpermanentleadership:therecognizeddelegates.Picketingstrikersalsoappearand,asitnowhappensinourcountry,“soupkitchens”whichareacombinationofpicketingwithrankandfileassembly.

Itisimpossibletoeventrytoexhausttheenormouswealthoforganizationalformsthathavebeenadoptedandarebeingadoptedbythelabourandmassmovementthroughtime.Butwhatitisprovedisthat,contrarytotheassertionsofthebureaucracyofallkinds—fromthe-PeronistunionbureaucracytotheCP—theworkingclassisn’tstraitjacketedinafixedorganizationalform(bureaucraticunionsforMiguel,“bureaucratic”sovietsforAndropov)[1],butitselfchangesitsorganizationalformsaccordingtothechangesinthestagesoftheclassstruggleandthenewneedsarising.

Changeintheorganizationoftherevolutionarysocialistparty

Ithasbecomeafetish,especiallybyStalinism,thattherevolutionarysocialistformoforganizationisone,fixedandimmutable:theorganizationthroughsmallcells.We,poorTrotskyists,whohavesurvivedfordecadesisolated,seeingtheyearspassbyandourorganizationremainingsmall,havefallenvictimtothisfetish.Wehavenotyetfinishedbreakingwithit.Wecontinuetobelievethatrevolutionarysocialismisaformofpermanentorganization,alwaysequaltoitself.

Actually,itistheopposite.Therevolutionarysocialistpartyishardprogrammaticallyandintheprinciples.ButforMarxismthereisnothingrigidordefinitive.Evenlesscanbethepartyofthepermanentrevolution.Sothepartyisextremelyflexiblewhenitcomestoturningtheprogramandprinciplesintostrategies,tactics,slogansandconcretepoliciestoinfluencethepresentsituationintheclassstruggle.Wheneverthereisachangeinobjectivereality,thepartychangesitsslogans,itspolicies,itstacticsandstrategies...andalsoitsorganizationalforms.Thatisthetrueessenceoftherevolutionarysocialistformoforganization:change,adaptingtotherealityoftheclassstruggleandthetasksandobjectivesthatthepartyadoptsateachstage.

Changesintheorganizationalformofthepartyaredeterminedbythecombinationoftwomainfactors:thestateoftheclassstruggleandthestateordegreeofdevelopmentofthepartyitself.

Clearlytheparty’sorganizationalstructurecannotbethesameinastageoftriumphofthecounter-revolutionunderafascistorsemi-fascistregime,asinarevolutionarystage.Thefirstwouldbe ultra-clandestine,ofsmallcellsofultra-vanguard,whereonlymilitantspreviouslytestedandfirmlyentrenchedinthepartycouldparticipate.Thelatterwouldbeopen,legal,withnumerousmeetingsifnecessary,wherecomradeswhohaverecentlyapproachedthepartywouldparticipateandcompletetheirrecruitmentprocesswithintheorganizationalstructureoftheparty.

Beyondthesebroadbrushexamples,withinthesamestagethepartystructurewillhavetobeadaptedtootherprocessesofobjective,socialtype.Itwillnotbethesameorganizationalformwhethersectorsofthemassmovementarequicklyturningtowardstheleftor,asitoftenhappensinthefirststageoftherevolution,thisdoesn’toccurandthemassesmassivelysufferthe“democratic”highandflocktowardsthereformistparties.Inthefirstcase,thepartyshalltakeanappropriateorganizationalformtoorganizearounditselfthosesectorsofthemasses;inthesecond,despitetherevolutionarysituation,itmustmaintainthestructureofthe“vanguardparty”,i.e.ofmilitantswho,toagreaterorlesserextent,havealreadydefinedtheywilldevoteanimportantpartoftheirlifetorevolutionarymilitancy.

Nottodwellonit,thepartystructuremustbeadaptedtonationalcharacteristics,andmorespecificallytotheexploitedclasses.ObviouslyitcannotbethesametotakepartintherevolutionaryprocessinNicaragua,asinArgentina.InNicaraguatherewerevirtuallynounionsunderSomoza.Theunionsappearedenmasseafterhisfall.Therevolutionarystruggledevelopedthroughacombinationofwarbetweenarmiesandurbaninsurrectionsorganizedgeographically,byneighbourhoods.Evidentlyrevolutionarysocialismmustadaptitsorganizationtothesenationalcharacteristics.HencetheSimonBolivarBrigade,andhadtherebeenapartyinNicaragua,itshouldhavebeenorganizedaroundtheneighbourhoods.

InArgentina,itistotallydifferent.Theclassicalmassorganizationsaretheunionssincealmostacenturyago.Amongthem,themainorganisationsinthelast40yearsaretheInternalCommissionandthebodyofdelegates.Thepartyisorganizedaccordingly:groupspercompanytofightfortheleadershipoftheseorganizationsofthemasses.

Finally,thepartyinexceptionalcircumstancesforus,asisparticipationinbourgeoiselectoralprocesses,sometimesmustadoptanorganizationalformofgeographicalandneighbourhoodtypeandeventosubmittothebackground,attimes,theclassicalstructuralintegrationofitsorganisms(bycompanyorplaceofstudy,overandabovetheneighbourhoods).

However,theorganizationalquestionbecomesqualitativelymorecomplexbecauseitisalsoinfluencedbythesecondfactor:thepartyitself.Because,whenweconsiderataskorobjectiveforthestagewenotonlyanswerthequestion:Whatishappeningintheclassstruggle?Butwealsoanswer:Whatparty,whathumanresources—leadership,middle cadresandmilitants—dowehavetoactonit?

Veryschematically,wecannotethreestagesinthedevelopmentofaparty:thefirstfoundingcore,oftenafewindividuals;thepartyofpropagandawhichhasalreadydoneitsstageofcadreaccumulationandhassomehundredsofthem;thepartywithmassinfluence.

Adevelopedrevolutionarysituation,withrupturestowardstheleftofsectorsofmasseswithinthereformistandbureaucraticapparatusesalreadypresentsus,objectively,withthepotentialtodevelopmassinfluence,i.e.ofdraggingafterthepoliticallineofthepartycoresectorsofthemovementof masses.Butobviously,ourorganizationalstructurewillnotbethesamewhetherthepartyisoneofafewindividualsofithasalreadygainedsomemassinfluence.Inthelattercase,itisanobligationofthepartytohitandstructureitsorganizationsinallsectorsofthemassmovement(althoughprioritisingthesectorshapingupasthevanguardoftherevolution,forexample,theindustrialworkingclassinArgentina,minersandfactoryworkersinBolivia,etc.).If,instead,weareafewcomrades,attemptingtostructurethepartyinallsectorsisfatal,destroystheparty.Rather,itisaquestiontoturnallthecomradestowardsasinglesector,soasnottodisperseforcesandtostrengthentheparty,itsorganizationsanditsmassinfluenceinthissector.Inasituationliketheonedescribed,ifweareasmallparty,theissueisn’ttoself-defineourselvesas“propagandagroup”andnottotakepartwitheverythingintherevolutionarystruggle.Itisaboutdoingthesametaskasalargepartywoulddoonthewholeofthemassmovement,onlyonasectorofthis,themostfavourableforrapidorganicgrowthandpoliticalinfluenceoftheparty.Althoughthetaskisthesame,theorganizationalformistotallydifferent.Butifwesucceedinthepoliticaltaskandnotintheorganizationalformweareindangerofdisappearing.

Onanotherlevel,theorganizationalformofthepartydependsonsomethingassimpleastheexistenceofcadrescapableofbuildingandleadingtheorganisms.Thiswasaseriousproblemforus;ittookusyearsandyearstosolveit.Wetriedallkindsoforganizationalforms-—byunion,byfactory,byneighbourhood...—andeverysixmonthsorayeartheycollapsed.ThekeywasgiventousbyaFrenchrankandfilecomrade,withoutahightheoreticallevel,butwho possiblyreflectedtheinfluenceofthetraditionleftbyTrotskywhenhelivedinFrance.Thiscomradeaskedhowmanycadrescapableofrunninganorganismwehad,andheadvisedusnottoformanyorganism—beitacell,aunionfaction,aneighbourhoodortheatregrouporwhatever—ifwedidnothaveacadrecapableofleadingit.Withoutleadership,anyorganismfails,howeverperfectitisonpaper.Theproblemofexistingcadresisthereforeacriticalproblem—whateverthestageoftheclassstrugglethatwearegoingthrough—todefinetheorganizationalformoftheparty.

We,forexample,decidedtoorganizethepartyduringtheelectioncampaignaround600premisesweweregoingtoopeninperipheralworkingclassneighbourhoods.Wecouldplanthisbecausewehadasimilarorgreateramountofmiddle cadres,abletoopenandmanagethepremises.Ifthepartywouldhavehadtofacetheelectioncampaignwithonly50cadres,wewouldhavehadtothinkofanotherorganizationalform;possiblyconcentratingonafewdistrictswithlargeanchorheadquarters,oranothervariant.

Marx

Delvingintotheelectionsoftheclassstruggleofhistime,mainlytheParisCommune,Marxdefinedwhattherevolutionarytasksoftheproletariatinthepoliticalarenawere, astheestablishmentofa“dictatorshipoftheproletariat”.Thismeanttodestroythestateofthebourgeoisieandtoestablishaworkers’government:

“[…]nolonger,asbefore,totransferthebureaucratic-militarymachinefromonehandtoanother,buttosmashit,andthisisthepreconditionforeveryrealpeople’srevolution […]AndthisiswhatourheroicPartycomradesinParisareattempting.”(LetterofMarxtoKugelman,quotedbyLeninin“TheStateandRevolution”,CollectedWorks,Volume25, op. cit.,pp.381-492).

“[TheCommune]wasessentiallyaworkingclassgovernment,theproductofthestruggleoftheproducingagainsttheappropriatingclass […]”(KarlMarx,TheCivilWarinFrance,

Toformagovernmentoftheworkingclassapoliticalpartyoftheworkingclasswasneeded.Atthattime,theEuropeanworkingclassdidnotvoteor,ifitdid,itvotedforthepartiesoftheliberalbourgeoisie(asimilarphenomenontothatoftheworkingclassinArgentinainrelationtoPeronism).Inordertoattainthefundamentalpoliticaltaskoffreeingtheproletariatfromthebourgeoisie,Marx,togetherwithEngels,arguedtheorganizationalconceptionofthesinglepartyoftheworkingclass(similaralsotothesloganthatwehaveoftenriseninourcountryof“WorkersParty”,orlabourparty).Itwasacorrectconceptionfortheproposedtask,especiallywhenitstillhadnotsurfacedinallitssplendourthelabouraristocracyorthelargebureaucraciesofthelabourmovementseated onsolidapparatuses.

However,astheXIXcenturypassedandmankindenteredtheXXcentury,thisconceptionbecamesomethingverydangerous,wrongandendeduphavingfatalconsequences.Thisonlyservedtodemonstratetwofundamentallaws.Thefirst,general,isthatrealityisricherthananytheoreticalconstruction,asitwastheveryrealityoftheclassstrugglethatleftbehindthisconceptionofMarx(alongwithsomeothers,suchasfreetrade,theinevitablebeginningofsocialistrevolutionthroughthemostdevelopedcountriesandothers).Thesecondlawisthatarigidandstaticconceptionoforganizationalquestionisunscientificandcanbeasreactionaryasarigidandstaticconceptionofanyhumanandsocialphenomenon,fromsciencetothetacticsofarevolutionaryparty.

Thesocialdemocracy

FollowingMarx’sconceptionthegreatEuropeansocialistpartieswerefounded,whichduringawholeeraplayedaveryprogressiverole,asmuchastheyachievedthepoliticalindependenceoftheproletariat,tearingitapartfromtailendingthepolicyoftheliberalbourgeoisie.(Eventodaywefeeltheconsequencesofthisprogressivestageofthegreatsocialistparties.Theeconomicoffensiveofworldimperialismhasmanagedtoproducesharpdeclinesinwagesofworkersinthesemi-colonialworld,aswellasintheUnitedStatesandJapan.InEuropeinstead,thereversalismuchless,becausetheworkingclassoffersfierceresistance,whosebestexampleshavebeenthetremendousminers’strikesinEnglandandofthemetalworkersinWestGermany.AndthiscanonlybeexplainedbecausetheEuropeanproletariatretainsfromthatstagealevelofconsciousnessandorganizationasclassqualitativelysuperiortootherproletariatsequallyormorepowerful,liketheYankeeorJapanese).

Butthesegreatsocialistpartiessuffered,asitcouldnotfailtohappen,theinfluenceofthenewsocialprocesses.WiththeemergenceofimperialismintheEuropeancountriesthelabouraristocracy developed to the maximum:aprivilegedsectoroftheworkingclass,withastandardoflivinghigherthantheirclassbrothersintheirowncountryandaroundtheworld.Thislabouraristocracyenjoyedsuchprivilegeseatingthecrumbsthrowntothembytheimperialistbourgeoisieexploitationofotherworkersandespeciallyofthecolonies.Thiswasfurthercompoundedwiththehigherlayersofthesocialistparties—whichhadwonlegalityandintervenedregularlyandsystematicallyintheelectoralandparliamentarianprocesses—begantogetassimilatedinthebourgeoisstateapparatus.Thisprocesscouldtakeplacebecausetheworldcapitalistsystem,whenitwasstillprogressiveanddevelopingtheproductiveforces,andeveninthefirstphaseofitsdeclinealreadyasimperialistsystem,couldgrantmajorconcessions,politicalandeconomicreformstothemetropolitanworkingclass.Theproletariatoftheimperialistcountries—andtosomeextentaroundtheworld—livedareformist,notrevolutionaryera.

Thus,socialdemocracywasessentiallyorganizedto achievereformsandtoparticipateinelections,nottomaketherevolutiontothebourgeoisie.Intheirpremisestheworkersgatheredtohearspeakers,butnoonewasforcedtosellnewspapersortodoanything.Thepartyjustwantedtowinvotes.Therewasnodiscipline.Thesocialdemocratswerenotinterestedtoactdailyinthestructure,inthedepthsoftheworkingclass,inthefactoriesandworkshops,toorganizethere,inthedailystruggle,theworkersandthepartyitself.Itwascommonthat,whenastrike,thesocialistsvotewassplit,asectorinfavourandoneagainst...andthetworemainedintheparty.

Thus,thegreatsocialistpartieswerehugeelectoralapparatuses,oblivioustotheconcrete,dailystrugglesandtotheorganizationforsuchstrugglesoftheworkingclass,withthesoleexceptionoftheBritishLabourPartyand,tosomeextent,BelgianandGermansocialdemocracy.Themassofsocialistworkershadapassiverole.Theonlyoneswhopermanentlyworkedwerethosewhointegratedthepartyapparatus,whichwascontrolledbythe lawyers,the parliamentariansorcandidates,the professionals,the journalists,whowerenotsubjecttoanycontrolbythepartyasawhole.

TheBolshevikparty

AgainsttheforecastsofMarx,thefirstsocialistrevolutiondidnotsucceedinthemoredevelopedimperialistcountries,butinthemostbackwardofthem,CzaristRussia,withitsoverwhelminglypeasantpopulation,whichhadneverknownbourgeoisdemocracy,butalsowiththemostconcentratedproletariatintheworld.Theneedtobuildthepartyfortherevolutioninthoseobjectiveconditionswherethenormwasabsolutesecrecy,wheretherewasnolegalunions,muchless,periodicelections,explainstheemergenceofanewtypeofparty,theBolshevik.Itwillbeanovelformofrevolutionaryorganization,whichcouldbedescribedbyafewkeyfeatures:

1.IthadastructurewhichLenincalled“conspiratorial”,i.e.centralizedanddisciplined,suitedtoactineverysituationoftheclassstruggle,tomovequicklyfromlegalitytotheundergroundandviceversa,adaptedtoorganicallycentralizealltheforcesofthemassmovementfortheseizureofpowerbyinsurrection.

2.Itdidnotacceptintoitsranksallcurrentsandprogramsforthemerefacttheyclaimedtobeofsocialism.Onthecontrary,itestablishedacategoricaldividinglinebetweenrevolutionariesandreformists.Thepartywasfortherevolutionariesandthereformistscouldformanotherparty.

3.Thecentralactivityofthepartywasnottheelections,buttheclassstruggle.Itisthepartyofthedailyworkinvolvedintheeverydaystrugglesoftheworkingclassandtheexploitedmasses;itaccompaniesthem,ittriestoorganizethemanditorganizesintheclassanditsstrugglesthepartyitself.Itisinalltheclassstruggles,allofthem:bothinthelargeasinthesmall.Italwaystriestoheadthem,guideandorganizethemor,atleast,tobeinvolvedinthesespontaneousstrugglesmadebytheclass.

Asitcanbeseen,itisanorganizationalformdiametricallyopposedtothatofthesocialdemocracy.

Theendofthesinglepartyoftheworkingclass

TheorganizationalconceptionofMarxandEngelsonthesinglepartyoftheworkingclasswassurpassedbytheexperienceoftheRussianRevolutionandtheBolshevikParty.ThehistoricalprocessoftheXXcenturyitselfshowedthatitwasverycorrectthedivisionbetweenrevolutionaryandreformistsocialists,i.e.,inRussia,thesplitbetweenBolsheviksandMensheviks,intwoparties,notonlydifferent,butenemies.Beginningin1917,thisdivisionbecameglobal:inallcountriestherewerecommunistandsocialistpartiesfacedtoeachother,organizedindifferentInternationals,theIIandtheIII.RealityhadprovensuperiortoMarx’sconception.

However,andwementionthistoshowtheterriblemistakethatmeansbeingtiedtorigidconceptionsonanyterrain,thegreatGermanrevolutionaryRosaLuxemburgdidnotacceptthedivisionofthesocialistpartiesorthatrevolutionariesshouldhavetheirownorganization.Thatcostedherandhertendencyverydearly:theyhadtofacearevolutionarysituationwithoutasuitableparty,andwereannihilatedbytherepressionofthebourgeoisie,executedbythegovernmentofreformistsocialism.Muchmoreexpensivewasthe costtotheworldworkingclass,whichsawtheGermanrevolutiondefeatedbythelackofsuchapartytoleadthemanddelayedfordecades—plaguedbywarswithmillionsofdeathsandhorrificsituationsofexploitationandmisery—thedevelopmentandvictoryoftheworldrevolution.

OnthebasisoftheBolshevikexperience,werevolutionaryMarxistshavebeenabletodevelopthetheorywhichexplainswhytherecannotbeatthisstagethesingleworkersparty.Everyclasshasseveralparties.Traditionallythebourgeoisiehadthem,representingthedifferentsectors:industrial,agriculturalorfinancial,monopolisticornon-monopolistic,etc.Currently,totheextentthatthebigimperialistmonopoliesarecompletelycorneringtheglobaleconomicsituation,atrendtounityistakingplace,whichisexpressedonbipartisanship.Onlytwomajorpartiestendtooccupythestageofpoliticsundertheimperialist-capitalistsystem.One,ofsocial-democratictype,todragtheworkersvotes;another;ofcentre-right,todothesamewiththemiddleclass.InEuropeandafewcountriesinthesemi-colonialworld,suchasChile,workersvotesaredraggedbyreformistworkersparties.Inmanyothercountries,workersvotesaredraggeddirectlybybourgeoisparties,likePeronismhere,DemocraticActioninVenezuela,ortheDemocraticPartyintheUnitedStates.

Theworkingclassismorehomogeneousthanthebourgeoisie;itisthemosthomogenousinsociety.Butdespitethisithasnotensuredsufficientpoliticalhomogeneityastohaveasingleparty.Likeeveryclass,ithasdifferentsegments.Thereisaristocracy,averageworkersandsuper-exploitedworkers,almostmarginal.Therearesectorswithtemporaryworkandotherswhoworkpermanently.Thereareofheavyindustry,lightindustry,servicesandalsotheagriculturalproletariat.Allthisgiveswaytotheemergenceofdifferentparties.

Italsooccurs,reflectingthisstructuralheterogeneityalthoughnotinamechanicalway,differentlevelsofdevelopmentofconsciousnessintheworkingclass.AsTrotskysaidinoneofhisbrilliantanalysis,therearesectorsoftheworkingclasswholookbackwardsandotherswholookahead(and,weadd,otherswhodon’tlookanywhere).

Evidentlycannotbeinthesamepartytheworkerswithpettybourgeoisexpectations,whostillbelievethatprogresscanbemadeindividuallyunderthecapitalistsystem,andwhowillendupinanybourgeoispartyorsomekindofreformistlabourparty,withtheworkerswhowantsocialismbutstilldon’tseethattoachievethisweneedtomakearevolution,whowillgotoasocialdemocraticparty,withtheworkerswhoarealreadyrevolutionariesandwillentertherevolutionaryMarxistparty.

Whicheverwayyoulook,thereisnoscientificreasontoexplainorjustifyhavingasinglepartyfortheworkingclass.

Stalinism

Asaresultofthecivilwar—whereitdiedbythethousands—andofhunger—promptingitsreturntotheland—theOldRussianworkingclass,whichbuilttheSovietsandaligneditselfbehindtheleadershipoftheBolshevikpartyandmadetherevolution,disappeared.Thisphysicaldisappearanceofabout90percentofthisworkingclassisthedeeperexplanationofthetriumphofStalinisminRussia.Stalinimposedhimselfonanewworkingclass,freshlyarrivedfromtheland;withoutexperienceortradition.

TheBolshevikshadtrieddifferentformsattemptingtoorganizeinrevolutionaryawaythisnewworkingclass;forexample,theorganizationofworkerswithoutaparty,bodiesforthefightagainsthunger,etc.Butgenerallytheydidnothavegoodresults.Theconsequenceofthisorganizationalfailure—whichwasasocialfailure,giventhattheworkingclasshadbeenerasedfromtheRussianhistoricalprocess—wasStalinism.

ThisbroughttoRussiaanewformoforganizationandof linkingwiththeworkersmovement,ofinorganictype,rigidlybureaucraticwhosemainobjectivewastheexactoppositetotheorganizationofrevolutionarysovietsandtheoldBolshevikparty.Whilethesewereorganizationstodevelop,extend,generalizeandconcentratethespontaneousstrugglesofworkersinasinglegreatrevolution,the“soviets”andthe“Bolshevikparty”ofStalinismweretopreventanystruggle,destroyallspontaneityofthemasses,andavoidanyorganizationoftheworkingclass.

However,outsideRussiaStalinismcontinuedusingoneelement,onlyone,oftheLeninistlegacy:tobewheretheworkersare,tohavetheircellsandmilitantsinfactories,toorganizewheretheworkingclassis,tofocusontheireverydayproblemsandnotintheelectoralissue,totaketheleadoftheirsmallstruggles.Butthebureaucraticscumusesthisinservicetoitstreacherous,counterrevolutionarypolicyofclasscollaboration.Itisinthesmallstrugglestobetterpreventtheoutbreakofthegreatstruggles,i.e.revolutions.Andiftheyburst,tobringthemtodefeat.Andiftheysucceed,toturnthenewworkerstatesintotoolsofthecounter-revolution.

Inthisway,Stalinismcoveredtheflankneglectedbysocialdemocracy.Hence,inthecountrieswheresocialdemocracyplaysthatroleexceptionallywell,likeinEnglandorGermany,itisveryweak.Butwherethereisa“classic”socialdemocracy,asinFrance,Spain,Portugal,themajorityintheelections,Stalinismisapowerintheunionmovement.TheSocialDemocratsbetraytheworkersinthefieldofelectoralpolitics;theStalinistsinthefieldofdailystruggle.Itisarealdivisionoflabour.AndthereisaStalinistcommunistparty,theItalian,whofulfilsthetwofunctionssimultaneously.

Stalinismsurvivedduetomanycauses,butaveryimportantone,onewhichhighlightsthedecisiveweightoftheorganizationalissue,whichhaspreventeditfromalreadycollapsinginfulldespiteitstremendousglobalcrisis,istheonewejustmentioned.Inmanyoccasions,theCPhasmadeincrediblebetrayals,andyettheclassdidnotbreakwithit.TheSpanishworker,forexample,sawcommunistsfightingalongbesidehimandbuildinghishighesttradeuniontool:theWorkers’Commissions.Alongwiththat,theycalledtoapprovethemonarchy,orthePactofMoncloa.DespitetherepublicantraditionofSpanishworkersandthedireconsequencesforlivingstandardsofimplementingthePactofMoncloa,theSpanishCP,althoughdividedandfragmented,andtremendouslydecreasedinitselectoralstrength,remainsattheheadoftheWorkers’Commissions,and Workers’CommissionsarestillapowernexttothelanguidUGToftheSocialDemocrats.Ofcourse,thesocialdemocracycompletestheotherarmofthecounter-revolutionarypincer,electorallydraggingtheworkingclass.

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Nahuel MorenoOrganizational Issues

II.Revolutionizethepartyorganization

Thequestionoforganizationalformsbecomesapriorityissueatthistimebecausetherehasbeenachangeintheobjectivesituation.Wehavemovedfromonestagetoanother:thestateoftransitionthatfollowedthetriumphofAlfonsin[2]toanewrevolutionarysituation.

AfterthetriumphofAlfonsín,whicharousedgreatenthusiasm,therewasabackwardmovementofthevanguardsectors,whofeltitlikeahardblow:themasseshadgonepartlytowardsradicalism;[3]theworkingclassmajorityremainedPeronist.Nopartyoftheleft,noteventhemosttepidwassavedfromthistempestofpolarization.Aftertheelectionresultitopenedastagewecalled“transitional”,undefinedbetweenacoursetowardsdeepeningtherevolutionaryprocessor,conversely,toastabilizationoftheregimeandthegovernment.

Thatstagehaspassed.Thecardshavebeenshuffledandnowbegintobedealtagainastheyhadbeenbefore10October.Theregimecrisissymptomsworsen.Theworkersuprisegoestostrikemodeandlaunchesmillionsofworkersinthestreets.AlthoughmostoftheworkersmovementremainsPeronist,thisprocessisexpressedinvanguardsectorsretakingthecoursethey had beforetheelections:theleftparties,includingours,arestrengthened;thousandsofsupporterswhoturnedawayfromtheelectoraldefeatoftheleft,return.Alfonsínwasadykethatstoppedfor awhilethissemi-naturaldynamics,butfailedtoendit.Aflourishingsituationisrepeating,asbeforetheelections,butinamuchhigherplane.Becausethepreviousyeartheprocesswentthroughthebourgeoiselections;andtodayitisdeeper:itgoesthroughthedailystrugglesoftheworkingclass,whichobjectivelyquestionthecapitalistsystem.And,withinthem,preparingthem,accompanyingthemorripeningwiththem,itisemergingnewaleadershipoftheworkersmovement.

Unlikethepreviousstage,whenwefoughttheenemy’sterrain,thebourgeoiselections,inthisstagewefightinourterrain,theclassstruggle.

Inthisnewrevolutionarysituation,thepartymustrevolutionizeitsorganization,underthegenerallineslaiddownbyLeninwhentheRussianRevolutionof1905:

“ArevolutionaryepochistotheSocial-Democratswhatwar-timeistoanarmy.Wemustbroadenthecadresofourarmy,wemustadvancethemfrompeacestrengthtowarstrength,wemustmobilisethereservists,recallthefurloughed,andformnewauxiliarycorps,units,andservices.Wemustnotforgetthatinwarwenecessarilyandinevitablyhavetoputupwithlesstrainedreplacements,veryoftentoreplaceofficerswithrank-and-filesoldiers,andtospeedupandsimplifythepromotionofsoldierstoofficers’rank.

“Todropmetaphor,wemustconsiderablyincreasethemembershipofallPartyandParty-connectedorganisationsinordertobeabletokeepuptosomeextentwiththestreamofpopularrevolutionaryenergywhichhasbeenahundredfoldstrengthened.[…]

“Inwar-time,recruitsshouldgettheirtraininglessonsdirectlyfrommilitaryoperations.Sotacklethenewmethodsoftrainingmoreboldly,comrades!Forward,andorganisemoreandmoresquads,sendthemintobattle,recruitmoreyoungworkers,extendthenormalframeworkofallPartyorganisations,fromcommitteestofactorygroups,craftunions,andstudentcircles![…]Givemorescopetoallthediversekindsofenterpriseonthepartofthemostvariedgroupsandcircles,bearinginmindthat,apartfromourcounselandregardlessofit,therelentlessexigenciesofthemarchofrevolutionaryeventswillkeepthemuponthecorrectcourse.[…]

“Youngfightersshouldberecruitedmoreboldly,widely,andrapidlyintotheranksofallandeverykindofourorganisations.Hundredsofneworganisationsshouldbesetupforthepurposewithoutamoment’sdelay.[…]

“Ifwefailtoshowboldinitiativeinsettingupneworganisations,weshallhavetogiveupasgroundlessallpretensionstotheroleofvanguard.Ifwestophelplesslyattheachievedboundaries,forms,andconfinesofthecommittees,groups,meetings,andcircles,weshallmerelyproveourownincapacity”(VILenin,“NewTasksandNewForces”,CollectedWorks,Vol.8,op.cit.p.209-220).

Anewleadershipoftheworkersmovementisemerging

Wedon’twanttodwellontheanalysisofthenewrevolutionarysituation,whichthepartyhasalreadymadeonseveraloccasions.Wejustwanttopointoutthatwithinitthreephenomenaoffundamentalimportancearetakingplace:

1)Thereisapowerfulwaveofstrikes,byfactoriesandunions,withawagecharacter.Thesestrikesraisethepossibilityofageneralstrike,whichhasonlybeenfrustratedsofarbythebetrayalofthebureaucracy and its agreements with the government.

2)EverywherenewInternalCommitteesandBodiesofDelegatesareemerging,withnewleadersoftheclassandwhicharenotborncontrolledbythebureaucracy.Anewleadershipoftheworkersmovementisemergingthat,inexorably,willreplacetheoldbureaucracy,alreadymortallywounded(whichdoesn’tmeanitwillberevolutionarysocialist).

3)Weareinthemidstoftheprocessofunionelections,whichgiveagreatopportunityforgroupingthenewunionvanguardtofightfortheleadershipoftheunions.

Ofthesethreeprocesses,theleastimportant,andwhichgoesagainstthenaturaldevelopmentofthenewleadership,istheunionelectionswithfixeddateimposedbythegovernment.Thelackofmaturityofthenewvanguardprevent,forthemomentthatthebureaucracybedefeatedintheelections,especiallyaftertheirpactwithAlfonsín.Wemustusethemasatooltogroupandunifythenewvanguardandespeciallytoaccompanypoliticallythatexperience,winningsectorsfortheparty.

Instead,themostimportantprocess istheofgrassrootsorganizationsoftheworkersmovement:theInternalCommitteesandBodiesofDelegates.Theretherenewalofleadershipistotal.Andthoseare,traditionally,organismsparexcellenceofourworkingclass,thetrueleadershipoftheirdailystruggles.AnyInternalCommissionoranydelegatepoliticallywonorinfluencedbythepartyisaleapforwardinourstrategicgoal:toprovideourworkersmovementwitharevolutionaryleadership.

Thisrevolutionbeingexperiencedwithintheworkersmovementiswhatwehavebeenwaitingfordecades.Wecansaythat,althoughnotinthesuperstructureoftheunionsandtheCGT,ratherinthedeepstructureoftheunionmovement,theInternalCommissionsandBodiesofDelegates,itissucceeding,hasalmostsucceeded,thedemocraticrevolutionthatthecountryexperiencedwhentheMalvinas[Falklands]war.Theworkersmovementhaswonitsinternallegality.Althoughtheywillstillgivetheirlastfewswipes,thetimeofthebureaucracyanditsthugs,withitssinglelists,itsirondictatorshipwithintheworkingorganizationisended.Totakepartwitheverythinginthisrenewaloftherankandfileleadershipofourclassisthefundamentaltaskofourparty.

Regainingourpoliticalspace

Therelaunchoftherevolutionarysituationoffersusenormousadvantages.Thefirstisthat,inthem,themassescanquicklymaketheexperiencewiththeirtraditionalparties.Theyunmaskthemselvesdayafterdayasenemiesoftheworkers.Thisprocesscanbemoreorlessslow,giventheenormouspoliticalbackwardnessofourworkingclass.Butitistakenplacesymptomaticallyandsoonerorlater,willbemassive.

Anadditionaladvantage,whichmakestothedeclineofArgentinabourgeoisieanditspoliticalrepresentatives,isthecolossalstupidityofthelatter.Rarelycanweenjoyagovernmentthatdigsitsowngraveeveryminute.Onethatassemblesfarcesthatdon’tevendeceiveabreastfeedingbaby,suchasthewholecircusmountedbyGrinspun[4]aroundtheforeigndebt,wheretheonlythingheachievedistobeleft in ridicule.

Neitherisitcommontohavean“opposition”soincrisisandasineptasPeronism.ThemerefactthatHerminioIglesias[5]canfightforthetopleadershipofthePJ[6]relieveusfromfurthercomment.

Amidstthisscenario,ourpartyisexceptionallywellplaced.Thegreatsuccessoftheelectioncampaigntoplacetheforeigndebtasthecentralproblem,nowthatrealityitselfhasbroughtittothefore,itisreturnedtousathousandfold.ThesamepartysupporterswhowithdrewsuspectingAlfonsínhadtakenawayallour future,nowcomebackandtellus:“Howrightyouwere”.Andthosewhodidnotagreewithus,theybegintoagreeoratleast,iftheystilldon’tagreethatwemustnotpayit,theyacknowledgethatwewererighttopointoutitwasacriticalproblem.

Today,armedwiththiscapitalandthenewslogansforthisstage:wages,generalstrike,newleadershipfortheworkersmovement,permanentdenunciationofAlfonsinasanenemyoftheworkersandagentoftheIMF,weareabletoperformaverypowerfulpoliticaloffensive.Withit,wecanquicklyregainthepoliticalspacethatwehadwonandearnevenmore.Regainthestreetswithasystematicagitationoftheseslogans,takingfulladvantageofanynewdevelopments—suchasnowwiththeplebisciteabouttheBeaglechannel—withaspecificpolicy,itisaveryimportanttask.

Thisdoesn’tdenythatthemassesstillarenotcomingtotheleft,towardus.Thefundamentalprocess,whichthepartycannotloseunderpenaltyofgoingbackwardsandreversingtherevolutionaryprocessitself,istheconstructionofthenewpoliticalandunionleadershipoftheworkersmovement.Thisconstructionhappens,inthetradeunionarenawiththenewdelegatesbycompany,andinthepoliticalarenabystrengtheningourparty.

Therestoftheleftisatdisadvantage

Theprocessofthepoliticalvanguardisbeingexpressedinthegrowthoftheentireleft.TheCPhasshownit,liketheIntransigentParty(PI)and,tosomeextent,theoldPeronistleftintheircolumnsat the lastdemonstrationagainsttheIMF.Theoldclassism,meanwhile,doesn’tpresentfornowthesamedynamicasitwasheavilydefeatedbythefailureofENTRA[NationalMeetingofWorkers]andothergroups.Butitcanjoinin,asapoliticalcurrent,ifitmanages to getstructured.

Butonethingistobestrengthenedaspartiesandquiteanothertoachieveitaspartofthenewleadershipoftheworkersmovementwhich,weinsist,isthegroundwherethefarmoreimportantfighttakesplace.

Therearetworeasonsforthemfindingthelatterdifficult.One,onthestrictlytradeunionarena,isthatnoneofthese“left”currentsisfirmlywiththeworkingclassinthestrugglesthiswagesagainstthebossesandthebureaucracy.Sometimestheyevenplacethemselvesdirectlyagainst,accusingcertainstrugglesas“destabilizing”andsupportingthebureaucracy,asdoestheCPinmetalworkers,wheretheygoalongwithMiguel.

Thesecondreason,thedecisiveone,ispolitical.Thesecurrentsdon’tfaceAlfonsinandthecapitalistsocialeconomicsysteminfull.Onthecontrary,theyallendedupsigningthepactwiththegovernment.Thisputsthemagainstthegrainoftheobjectiveprocessofthemassmovementanditsvanguard,whichisgoingtowardsagrowingconfrontationwiththegovernment,theregimeandthesemi-colonialcapitalistsystem.Tomanycomradesthewagecharacterofthecurrentstruggleshidesitsdeepcontent,whichisanti-capitalist,becausetheyhitthesysteminaneuralgicpoint:thesurplusvalue,theprofitsofthebourgeoisieandimperialism,andwhichdon’thaveasolutionwithinthissystem.Wearguethatthisis,precisely,theessenceofthecurrentstruggleoftheworkingclass.And,forthatprofoundreason,the“left”currentsaregettingdivorcedfromthesedailystrugglesandthenewleadershipemerging.

Therefore,althoughthesecurrentsgrowaspoliticalparties,theydon’texpressthisgrowthdirectlyinthedisputeoverthepoliticalleadershipofthenewworkersvanguard.Theymayhavefactorydelegatesandwinmoredelegates.Buttheyarenotobsessedlikeustoachieveit.Thisisn’tthefocusoftheirpoliticalactivity.

Inthisframework,theCPisbyfarourmostdangerousadversary.Theyhaveamethodsimilartoours:theygotofactories,buildtheregroupsoftheirpartyandgainnewactivists.But,asalreadypointedout,theirpoliticalandtradeunionpositionseparatesandopposesthemtotheobjectiveprocessofthenewleadership.AndtothisitmustbeaddedthataleadershiplikethatofNadra,Favaandcompany,whowassotreacherousastoopenlysupportVidelaandvoteforIglesiassurelywillbeintheshort-termpreparingasimilarcatastrophe.

ThePI,besidestheequallyremarkableidiocyofitsleadership,doesn’tgoaspartydirectlytofactoriestowinthenewactivists.TherehasbeenthefunnycaseofhonestPImilitantsaskingustoteachthemhowthisthingsomysteriousisdone.ThepopuliststructureofthePImakesthemnoseriouscompetitorinthepoliticalstruggletowinthenewunionleadership.

TheoldPeronistleftispartoftheoverallcrisisofPeronism.Itcandolittleornothing,ifwecompareitwiththeextraordinaryintegrationachievedbyMontoneros[7]andJTP(JuventudTrabajadoraPeronista–PeronistWorkersYouth)inthepreviousstage,from1969to1975.SectorsofPeronistIntransigenceandMobilization,[8]totallydegeneratedgototheelectionsalongwiththeworstbureaucrats.Others,instead,becomegovernmentagents,agreeingandbecomingcabooseoftheradicals.Andothers,finally,openupgreatopportunitiesforustoworkwiththem, andinmanyplaceswearedoingso.ButthisisaphaseoftheirprocessofbreakingtotheleftwithPeronism,notthestrengtheningwhatwasthe“gloriousJP(JuventudPeronista–PeronistYouth)”.

TheoldclassismofPiccinini,[9]finally,alsoendsupworkingasanagentforagovernmentincreasinglyseparatedfromtheexpectationsoftheworkingclass.Hewillprobablyachievesomeinfluenceamongprivilegedworkers,whitecollar.Butwedeemverydifficultthathedeeplydelveinthevastmajorityoftheclass,subjecttofierceexploitationandincreasingmisery.

Inconclusion,wehavecompetitorsinthestruggletopoliticalwinoverthenewworkersvanguard.Butnoneofthemisacompetitorthatcandefeatus—althoughwedon’tminimizetheterribleenemythatisStalinism.Itisuptoustopreventthosepartiesorcurrentsfromerectinganewdykebetweentheworkersvanguardandthesocialistrevolution.

Thepartyfacesahistoricalopportunity

Ourpartyis,therefore,atoneofthesehistoricopportunitiesthatoccuronlyveryoccasionally.Wecanwinasectorofthenewleadershipofthefactoryandtradeunionstrugglesoftheworkersmovement.Thisway,wearebuildingthenewpoliticalleadership,onwhichdependsthetriumphofthesocialistrevolutioninArgentina.

Itisthefourthprocessofthistypethatoccursinourcountrysinceourcurrentexists.Thefirst,whichwecandatearound1944,wastheliquidationoftheoldStalinistandreformistsocialistleadershipandtheemergenceofanewworkersleadershipthatfoundedthenewPeronistunions.ThisnewleadershipcaughtonpoliticallyintheLabourParty,aclasspartyvotingforPeronbutwhichremainedindependentfromhim.AndituprootedStalinismfromtheleadershipoftheproletariat,usingthesystematicbetrayalstheCPleadership—tiedtotheKremlindiplomacyand,inthisway,toAmerican,Englishimperialismandtheentireblockofallies—committedagainsttheworkingclass.

TheLabourParty,whichgavevictorytoPeronintheelectionsbycapitalizingontheworkersvotewasthenliquidatedbyPeronhimself,whoforceditsdissolutioninitsbourgeoisparty,andsenttoprisonforyearsitsmaximumleader,CiprianoReyes,atthesametime bureaucratizingtheunionleadership,transformingthemintoofficialsoftheMinistryofLabour.

Wewereasmallgroup,notabigparty,andwecouldnotpreventthePeronistprocess,seatedonanexceptionaleconomicconjuncturethatallowedtheproletariattoconquerhugeconcessionsfromthebourgeoisiebyareformistpath,withoutbreakingtheframeworkofthecapitalistsystem.Butwedidtakepartinitwithallboldness.WeachievedtheleadershipofAnglo-Ciabasa,thecountry’slargestmeatworks—whichwasalsothelargestcompany—andtohaveagreatweightaroundtheguild.ThetidetowardPeronismpassedusover,butithadalreadybeenshownwhataTrotskyistpoliticallineandorganizationcandowhenitjoinsandtakesadvantageoffavourablesocialprocesses.

ThesecondprocesswastheliquidationoftheoldPeronistbureaucracyofEspejo[10]andcompany.Itdevelopedbetween1952and1959,firstridingonthegrowingdissatisfactionwiththeanti-workerpoliciesofPeroninthelastyearsofhisgovernment,andthenontheheroicresistancetothegorillacoup.Thisnewleadershipalsocrystallizedinapoliticalexpression,almostaparty:the62Organizations.

ItwasthetimeofourentryismintoPeronism;apolicyneverunderstoodintheinternationalTrotskyistmovement.WealwaysdistinguishtwosegmentswithinPeronism.One,weconsidertotallyrotten,despicablesincebirth,thePeronistParty—andletusnoteventalkaboutthe“women’sbranch”!Wealwaysconsideredthemtobereactionaryby-products,fifth-orderphenomena.Theothersegment,whichalwaysinterestedus,wasthetradeunionmovement.Therewemadeentryism,andwe’reproudofit.

Today,the62Organizationsarenothing.ButatthattimegravitatedtothemallthegrassrootsPeronistgroups,thousandsofextremelymilitantactivists,thecreamofthelabourmovement,whofoughtfrom1956againstthegorillasandrecoveredthetradeunions.PalabraObrera[WorkersWord],togetherwithgrassroots PeronistsintheMovementofWorkersGroups,foundedmanyofthesegroupsandrecoveredfromthemilitarycontrollersseveralofthemostimportantunions.Afterwards,allthismovementwasorganizedbythe62Organizations,andwithinthem,wewereapower.

Westillremainedagroupofjustover100comrades,immersedintheworkingmassoverwhelminglyPeronist.However,wedidwonders.WewerethestrongestintheUOM(MetalworkersUnion)ofAvellaneda,MatanzaandBahíaBlancaandsecondinFederalCapitalandotherregionalbranches.Thelargemetalworkers’strikeof1956wasledbyus.Thedefeatofthisstrikepreventedusfrombecomingamassworkersparty,althoughwehadmassinfluenceinthetradeunionarena.Sogreatbecameourinfluenceourhandfulofmilitantsmanagedtosellupto10,000weeklynewspapers.

AgainPeronismthroughthenewbureaucracyofVandor,Framiniandcompanyclosedthewaytous.

Thereisathirdprocess,aborted,ofchangeofleadershipthattook place between1969and1975,fromtheCordobazo.[11]StartswithSitrac-Sitram[12]andcontinueswithTosco,PiccininiandthecoordinatingcommitteesoftheRodrigazo[13]in1975.Bythistime,weestimatethatabout25percentoftheworkingclassalreadyhadanewleadership,opposedtothebureaucracy.

Thisnewleadershipalsohadaclearpoliticalsign:itwaspro-guerrilla.Wealsoplayedalargeroleinitsconstruction,forexampleinthecoordinatingcommitteesofthenorthernsuburbsofGreatBuenosAires.But,asweshallsee,wedidnottakefulladvantageofthisopportunity.

Thenewleadershipabortedinthemostdisgracefulway.Itspro-guerrilla,elitistcharacterendedisolatingitfromtherankandfile.The1976coupphysicallyexterminatedorforceditintoexile.However,thegenocidecouldnotcuttheprocessinanothersense:thePeronistunionbureaucracydidnotstoprotting;thehatredoftherankandfiledidnotstopgrowing.

Onthisfertilegroundbrokeouttherevolutionarystageweareliving,fullyopeningthisfourthchangeintheworkersleadership.Butthistimetheopportunityisqualitativelysuperior,oneofthosethatonlyoccurevery30,40or50yearsduetoacombinationofcircumstances:

1)Becauseittakesplaceinarevolutionarystage,notreformistasthepreviousones.Thedeclineofthecountryissuchthatitturnsthe economicstrugglesoftheclassintoanti-capitaliststruggles.Therevolutionaryupsurgeopenedwiththe Malvinas [war]hasreturnedanddeepeneditscourseafteraninterregnumofonlyhalfayearafterAlfonsín’swin.

2)Theoldbureaucracyisalreadyastinkingcorpse,withoutanypossibilityofbeingreconstitutedasitwasinearliertimes.

3)Peronismisexperiencinganapparentlyunresolvablecrisis.

4)Ourcompetitors“ontheleft”,aswehaveseen,arehamstrungbytheirownpolicyofsupporttothegovernmentandtheregimeand/orofa shamefulreactionarybranchofaPeronismindecomposition.

5)Forthefirsttimewefacethissituationwithastrongparty,spreadnationwide,withhundredsifnotthousandsofoldandnewcadres,andwithalongtraditionandexperiencesignpostedbythegloriousnamesoftheGrupoObreroMarxista(MarxistWorkersGroup),PalabraObrera(WorkersWord)andPartidoSocialistadelosTrabajadores(SocialistWorkersParty).

Weareatacrossroads

Thesituationoftheclassstruggleandofthepartyitselfputusinacrossroads.Thereisanironlawforrevolutionarysocialists:ifwearenotasect,everygreatuntappedopportunityisequivalenttoreversalandcrisis.Allevolutionaryprojectofgradualdevelopmentisfalse.Ifwefollowtherhythmandtheorganizationalformthatthatwehavewewillnotgo“slowlybutsurely”forward;wewillgobackwardsfastandsurely.And,whatismoreserious,wewillnotrespondtoaproblemoflifeanddeathfortherevolutioninArgentina:eitherourpartybecomesamasspartyoragainwewilllosethisgreatrevolutionaryhistoricalopportunity,whichisthelargestthatourcountryhaseverlived.Ifwesaynotobuildinghereandnowthebigpartyoftherevolution,firmlyrooted,weldedtothemassmovementandtheworkersvanguard,thealternativeisanewcoupandanewgenocide,farworsethanthedictatorshipwehavejustdefeated.

Weneed,therefore,anurgentpartisanrevolution.Notinourpolicy,thishasbeenprovencorrect.Butindeedinouractivityandorganization.Sincetherevolutionaryperiodopened,wehavegonethroughtwostagesintheactivityandpartyorganization:oflegalityfortheelectionsandthe“transitional”one.Nowwehavetofully moveontoathirdstage,ofthenewrevolutionarysituation.

Wefacedtheelectoralstagewithapartythat,intheunderground,forwhateverreasons—justifiedornot—wasorganizedessentiallyinthecentreofthelargecities.And,inthebigcities,mainlyinBuenosAires,asinothers,suchasCordobaandRosario,weweremuchpersecuted.ItbecameapartyalmostofBuenosAiresand,asitwastheeraofeasymoney,focusingontheguildsasbanking,whereitwaseasiertogetajobbecauseitwasthebranchthatwasdevelopingmore.

Whenwerealizedthatthedictatorshipwasfinished,thatastageofextensivedemocraticfreedomswascomingandelectionswereinevitable,weadoptedatranscendent,boldorganizationaldecision,toadaptthepartytothenewsituation.Withoutthisresolution,theanalysiswouldhavebeenfornothing.Theresolutionwas:togetoutofthethreesmallpremises,superclandestine,thepartyhadandtoopen200to300premisesinthemostworking class,peripheral,neighbourhoods.Thesepremisesbecamethecentralorganizationalformoftheparty,andtheygaveusanextraordinaryoutcome.

Whenweentereddirectlyintotheelectioncampaign,wetookthetaskofopening200or300premisesmore,inanyway.Theleapwasimmense.Wegrewsomuchandthepartybecamesostrongthatpremiseswereopenedwithoutuspayinganyrent:theywereprovidedbyworkers,collectionsweretakenintheneighbourhoods,andsoon.TheculminationofthisleapwastherallyinLunaParkstadium.Wegottosell60,000newspapers.Wedon’tknowwhetherwehad10,15,20or22thousandmilitants.

Inordertoadoptthisorganizationalform,wetookintoaccounttherealityofthecountryandoftheworkersmovementandthesituationoftheparty.WecouldopenthepremisesbecauseinthelabourmovementtherewasabeginningofaruptureofafringewithPeronism,whichgaveustherawmaterialstodoso.Andalsobecausethepartyhadthenecessarycadres.Letusrecallthat,attheendofthecampaignofopeningpremises,virtuallyeveryoneofthemwasrunbyasinglecomrade:thecadreor,tostartfamiliarisingourselveswiththeLeninistterminology,the“chief”ofthepremises.

Thusweenterthesecondstage,the“transitional”onecausedbytheelections.Itwouldseemthatalreadyoneortwomonthsbeforethemourreversalhadbegun.AsPeronismandAlfonsínwereconsolidating,majorsymptomswereappearingthatnofragmentofthemasseswascomingtowardsus,alongwiththosewhohadbeenstartingtoleaveus.Therewasconsiderabledoubtwithintheparty.Almostallthecadreswereoftheopinionthatwewerenotlosing.Afewmembersindicatedthattothemeetingsatourpremisesincreasinglyfewercomradeswerecoming.Butthesehypotheses,theywerejustthat,werenotsufficienttodecideaneworganizationalchange.Youhadtotakeintoaccountthatitisverydangeroustochangetheorganizationalformsfromonedaytothenext,withoutsufficientprecisiononthecharacterizations,in an irresponsibly way,whenwewerestillimmersedintheelectoralcampaign.Imaginewhatwouldhavehappenedtothepartyifwehadbeguntheclosepremisesbeforethe elections.

Theelectoraldefeatclearlymanifestedthetwophenomenawehadnotclearlydetectedinpreviousweeks:wehadnotmanagedtoretainaroundpartyanysectorofmassesand,reflectingthis,wewerelosinghundredsandthousandsofmembers.Wecandiscussifwelostafewthousandormorethan10,000.Butthetruthisthatpremisesemptiedatsupersonicspeed.

Onaccountofthisdoublephenomenon,objectiveandsubjective,wechangedourorganizationalbasisfrom30October.Intheentiretyofthemassmovementreigned“democratic”drunkennessexpectationsinthenewregimeandgovernment.Andwehadbeenreducedtoanumberoforganizedmilitantswho,inthebesthypothesis,hoveredatafewthousand.Weanalysedwehadbeenleftat(orreturnedto)thecategoryof“vanguardparty”.Weadoptedanorganizationalformofregression.Wewenttolargerpremises.Wegatheredthecomradestobetterwithstandthedownpour.Wetookasessentialtasktheconsolidationofthepartybuildingthroughpoliticization.

Wearenowenteringathirdstage.Webelievethedownpourisover.Thereisdiscontentagainstthegovernment,whichhasprovedweakandwithserioussymptomsofcrisis.Strikesbreakout.Anewworkersleadershipemergesatestablishmentorsectionlevel.Itseemsthesectorswehadinfluencedduringtheelectioncampaignarereturningtous.Itislikelythatnewsectorsareemerging—stillminority—intheworkersandmassmovementwhoarebreakingwithPeronismdeepeningitscrisisorwhostarttobebackquicklyfromthisshortAlfonsinistspring.Whatisnew:wearestartingtowinforthepartythebestoftheworkingclass.Andwecome out fromourreversalwithabout1,500cadres.

Wecannolongercontinuetobelockedinthepremises.Wehavetogooutagaintorepeat,yetonamuchhigherlevel,theformidableexperiencethatwastoopenthepremises,toholdarallyinLunaParkstadiumandtosell60,000newspapers.Wehavetorepeat,correctedandexpanded,thisstage,whichweclaimasthemostbrilliantandcolossalinthehistoryofourparty.Whereweweremillimetresawayfrombecomingapartywithmassinfluence.

Itisverycommonforlargemovementsondeathrowdotheirlastshowofstrengthbeforedisappearingfromthehistoricalprocess.AnditisverylikelythattherecentelectionhasbeenthelastornexttolastsamplesofPeronismandradicalismasmassmovements.

Itisanopportunityaswehadnoother.Weareatthestagewherewecanandmustmultiplythesaleofthenewspaperinnewcompanies,neighbourhoods,schoolsandcolleges.Astheshadowfollowsthebody,behindthepapermustfollowthepartyorganismsinthoseplaceswherewesellthem.Previouslyitwasnewspapersandneighbourhoodpremises.Nowwehaveaheadofusnewspapersandbuildingpartyandyouthgroupsinthousandsoffactories,offices,schools,universitiesandworkersandpopularneighbourhoods.

Thepartygroups

Wearefacing,thenatasksimilar,inasense,totheopeningofpremises.Whenweopenedthem,wediditbasedonadeepsocio-culturalanalysisoftheworkingclass.Today,betweenovertime,travel,etc.,nearlyallworkersareoutsidetheirhousenofewerthan12hours.Longtravel,longhours,andbrutalworkravagethem.WewouldnothavebeenMarxistsifwehadignoredthisreality,openinglargepremisesinthetowncentresandcallingforworkerstocometothem.Wedidtheopposite:wewentwheretheworkersare,wheretheylived,whereonSaturdayafternoonsorSundaystheycouldchatwithuswithoutthismeaninganadditionalsacrifice.Thefactthatthecentralactivitywastheelectionwasthesecondreasonforustoadopttheorganizationalformofpremises.

Nowwemustdothesame.Wemustgowheretheworkersare.Nowitisn’ttoopenthepremisesintheneighbourhoods,butsurelywewillalsodoso.Thisisprimarilytoorganizetheworkerswheretheyfightandwherethenewleadershipemerges:intheworkplaces.Ourmajorfocusistoorganizepartygroupsinworkplaces.Wehavetoadaptourorganizationtoourclass:wheretheywork,wheretheylive,whereveritisconvenienttothem.Which alsoiswhereitshouldbemoreconvenientforus.Thusisbecomesmucheasiertodisciplinethecomradesfortheactivityinfavouroftheparty.

Beforewehadadoptedthisorientationintheleadership,thereweresomecomradeswhohadbeguntodiscussitandtestit.IntheSomisasteelworksinSanNicolas,forexample,thepartyhad80or100workersveryfirm,withstrongdues,doingthetasksweproposedtothemandsomeweredelegates.Butincreasinglyfewerofthemwerecomingtothemeetinginthepremises.Thesecretwasthattheywereworkingupto16hoursperday,leavingwork exhausted.

HowmanymilitantsdidwehaveinSomisa?Thereweretwocriteria:ifweorganizedatthefactorywehadseveraldozens.Ifwedidatthemeetinginthepremises,theyweresixorseven.

Rightatthetimewhenthecomradeswerediscussingthis,wehadbeenreadingaboutthesituationoftheAmericanproletariat.WefoundstatementsbyaunionrepresentativeattheGeneralMotorsplantinLordstown,whichwefoundinterestingandenlightening:

“The8-hourdaydoesn’ttrulyexist.Thereare16-hour,12-hourdays,sixdaysaweek.Youcannothaveasociallife.Theonlysociallifewecanhaveiswithinthefactory”(NewYorkTimes,19September1983).

Thiswasaglobalphenomenon:theriseofbrutalcapitalistexploitation.Weunderstoodwhatwashappeningwithour80or100Somisacomrades:theydidnotcometothepremisesbecausetheyweresmashedandbrutalizedbytheworkandhadnotimeordesiretocome.Wequicklyagreed:wehadtoholdmeetingsatthefactory,not evenafter the end of shift.

Thisistheapproachwemusttaketobuildpartygroups:doitwhereverthecomradeswant,inthefactory,atthetimeofrestingorinthebathroom,inacafeafterwork,intheneighbourhood...Ifinafactorythecomradesgatherdailyfor15to20minutes,intheweekwehaveaverygoodmeetingoftwoandahalforthreehours.

Theretheproblemsoftheworkplaceandtheguildwillbediscussed,aswellasalltheproblemsoftheclassstruggleandofnationalandinternationalpolitics.

Andwhatanextraordinaryunitywillthispartygrouphave,becauseitsmembersworktogethereveryday!Whatbetterchancetofightagainstthebourgeoisie,there,specifically,inthissectionorthisfactory?Onlythuswillthepartyreallystarttobethecollective,politicalandunion,organizeroftheworkersvanguard.

Ifwebuildthesegroupswearemakingarealhumanorganization.Thismeansthatnoteverythingwillbethesame,butonthecontraryverydiverse.Nogroupwillbesimilartoanother,asinaschool,wherenoclassisthesameasanotheroranyotherstudentequalsanother.Therearebadandgoodstudents.Therearealsosomemediocre.Therearegoodandbadclasses.Somelearnmuchanddolittlemess.Otherslearnlittleanddomuchmess.Thereareothersthatlearnmuchandalsomakemuchmess.Andtherearesomeaverage,underperforminganddoingalittlemess.Wewillhavegood,mediocreandbadgroups.Somewillbegoodtobeginwithandthentheywilldecline.Otherswillbethelastthetotempoleandthenwillgiveusasurprise.Ifallgroupshavethesameaverageofnewspaperssold,payedasduesthesameamountofmoney,hadthesameinsertionorunioninfluence,etc.,thensomethingverystrangeisgoingon.Allareequal.If,however,thereareprofounddifferences,wehaveapartyalive,whichbeginstobeofmassesandreflectsthechanginganddiverseprocessofourclass.

Allwehavetoaskofthenewgroupsistoworkfortheparty,evenalittlebiteveryday.Henceourdefinitionofwhatitisatthisstagethepartymilitant,muchliketheonetheIIIInternationalhad:

“In order to carry out daily party work, every party member should as a rule always be part of a smaller working group(…) Organic links are forged between the various parts of the organization and among individual members by day-to-day collective work in the party organizations. (…) Obviously, (…) membership in the Communist Party involves as a rule: formal admission, possibly first as a candidate, then as a member; regular payment of established dues; subscription to the party press, etc. Most important, however, is the participation of every memberin daily party work.”

Thenewspaper

Thegreattoolforbuildingthepartyandthenewgroupsisthenewspaper.Hencewestartedour“comingoutwards”byproposingaleapintheplacementofthenewspaper.

Thereisnopossibilityofbuildingpartyorganismsonanybasisotherthanthepoliticalunityofthosewhocomposethemaroundthepartypoliticalline.Wecannotmeettojustmeet.Wemeettoact.Nogroupcansurviveifitdoesn’thaveaspecific,practicalactivityonthesectorinwhichitoperates.Agroupinafactoryorneighbourhoodmeetstodiscussandarmallthecomradesinthepartypoliticallineandtoknowwhateachmilitanthastodothenextdayinthatfactoryorneighbourhood.Howmanycontactsofthepartydowehave?Howmanyunionactivistsrespectusandarewillingtodiscusswithushowtoorganizethefactoryorwhattodointheunion?Whoisresponsibleforcontactingandtalkingtotheseactivists?Whatdoweproposetoeachofthem?WhatdoweintendtodowiththeInternalCommissionandtheBodyofDelegates?Whatactivitiesdoesthegrouppursuetocarryforwardnationalandinternationalcampaignsoftheparty?Whatcanyoudointhecompanyorintheneighbourhood,forexample,forNicaragua?Andforhumanrights?AndagainsttheIMF?

Themeetinghastoanswerallthesequestionsanddistributeamongthecomradesalltheactivity.Peterspeakswithandsellsthepapertosuchandsuchworkerswholookatuswithpoliticalsympathy.Paul,whoisverysmartwithunionmatters,chatswiththebestactivistsandalsosellsthemthenewspaper.Mary,whostilldoesn’tdaretospeakinthefactorybutisveryorderly,leadsthefinanceandadministrationofthenewspaperandtriestosellthenewspaperinherneighbourhoodorherfamilies.Andallofthemdiscussthepaperanditspoliticalcampaignswithallreaders,lookingforon whatissuewecanwinthemtoparticipateorpropagandizethe partypositions.IfatthefactoryatalkaboutNicaraguadoesn’tcomeabout,perhapsithappensintheneighbourhood.Andmaybe,whoknows,wegetagreatchatwithfellowfactoryworkerstoexplainwhyweshouldnotpaytheforeigndebtifwewantwageincreases.Thepossibilitiesofactivityareendless,buttheyallhaveonethingincommon:thenewspaper.Preciselybecausethenewspaperisthemouthpieceoftheparty’spoliticalline,andinthisway,itorganizesallouractivity.

Therefore,theconstructionofnewpartygroupsismediatedbytheplacementofthenewspaper.Ingeneral,itwillbemucheasiertoholdameetingifthosewewanttoattendknowourpolicyandtrajectorythroughthenewspaper.Andnooneistrulybeingwonorintheprocessofbeingwonforthepartyifhedoesn’twantthepartytogrow,tospread,tobecomestronger,startingwiththefirststep,thatmoreandmorepeoplereadourpaper.

Havingjuststarted,wearealreadyonthebrinkofmakingamistake,insomeplaceswehavealreadycommittedit:toputmeetingsaheadoftheincreaseinsalesofthenewspaper.Webustoursoulstryingtogetthenewcomradestothemeetingsorreunitingtheoldcomradesbeforecomingoutwithouralltomultiplythenumberofnewspapers.Sowefinditdifficulttogathertheoldandalmostimpossibletowinthenew.

Wemustdoittheotherwayaround.Wegooutwithourallwiththenewspaper.Wesellthemlikecrazyinthetermsofactivity,butalwaysthinking,characterizingandplanningthework.Andsowewillbefindingcomradeswho,sometimesontheirownandsometimesbecauseweproposeittothem,offertotakeanewspapertoselltoafriendoracquaintance.Thereappearsthehumanmaterialwithwhichtostartbuildingtheteam.Assoonaswehavetwo,threeorfourcomradesofthesamefactory,neighbourhood,schoolorcollege,themeetingbecomesarealneed,notsomethingimposedbyus.

Hence,wegiveparamountimportancetotwokeytasks:picketingandtheregistrationofnewspaperreaders.

Thepicketsshouldbesystematic,weekafterweekasfaraspossiblealwaysthesamecomrades.Theworkersofafactoryhavetogetusedtoseeing,atleastonceaweek,thesocialistssellingtheirpressatthedoor.Inthispoliticalsituation,ourpaperbecomesapointofreferenceforsectorsoftheworkingclass,althoughtheymaynotyetagreewithus.Alreadytherearenumerousanecdotesofsectorsoffactorieswhotalkaboutourpaperattheirbreak.Thereareworkerswhowaitforustobuythenewspaper.Therearenotmanythousandsyet,butmaybecomeso.Wehavetobethere.Ifwedon’thaveenoughresourcestopicketallthefactories,weselectthosewecantouch,butwedothepicketingsystematically.Topicketeveryweekadifferentfactoryhelpslittle.

Astheplacementofthenewspaperprogresses,theregistrationofwhobuyithastoadvance.Thepicketsatrailwaystationsandshoppingcentresareverygoodforthepartytowinthestreet,maketheirpoliticalpresencefelt.Butthemostimportantisthestructural,wherewehavetofinishknowingthefullnameandaddressofthebuyers.Intheneighbourhoodsitiseasier.Inthefactoriesitismoredifficult,butnotimpossible.Itisthereforeveryimportantforalwaysthesamecomradestobethere.Maybeweshouldnotaskthefirsttimethenameofthecomradebuyingnewspaper.Butitwouldbeafatalmistaketounderestimatethosewhoboughtitasecondtime.Thatcomradeisalmostcertainalreadyapartysupporter;hecanpotentiallybeamilitant.

Thepaperisthusthetool,themeansfortheconstructiontheparty,itsgroups,infactoriesandneighbourhoods.Theactivitystartsthere.Then,ofcourse,thereisadialectics.Wewillgainnewcomradeswhowillthemselvessellmorepapers.Wewillbuildpartygroupsthatwillsellsomuchmore.But,astheChinesesay,everyjourneyofathousandmilesbeginswiththefirststep.Andthefirststepistosellthenewspaper.

Thecadresor“chiefs”

Aswehavealreadypointedout,nobodyorgroupofthepartymayexistwithoutacomradeabletobuilditandrunit.Thiscomradeiswhatwecall“cadre”or“chief”.Specifically,wewillmanagetoorganizeasmanygroupsascadresthepartyhasorrecruitswhoarecapableofdoingthetask.

Partycadresnotalwaysoccupythesameplace.Manywhowerevanguardforthecentraltaskofastageoftenbecomerear-guardwhenthepartystagechangesand,withit,itscentraltask.Othersdon’t,andtheywillremainattheforefront.Andnewcadreswillappearwhodidnotlinkwiththepreviouscentraltaskbutarelionsforthenewtask.

Eachstagechangedemandsanewtestandselectionofpartycadres.Inthestageweareentering,thetestingandselectionbeginswiththesaleofthenewspaperandculminateswiththeconstructionofthenewpartygroups.Wehavetotestallthecomradeswhonominatedtobecadresandmanywhohavenotnominated—outoftimidityorbecausewedidn’texplainthetaskwell—butjustthesamewethinktheycanbeuptoit.

Thisdoesn’tmeanthatthecomradewhodoesn’tsell20newspapersfromthewordgoisn’tacadre.Hemaystartwithfewandworkup.Hemay bepoorsellingnewspaperspersonallybutveryadeptatgettingnewcomradestosellthem.Anycombinationmayhappen.Theonlythingincommonmustbeenthusiasm,thepassiontoincreasenewspapersalesweekafterweek.Thepoliticalunderstandingoftheneedtodosoisn’tenough;withoutthispassionnoadvanceispossible.

Andleastofallwillwedemandofhimtomeetwithanewpartygroupfromthebeginning.Yeswewilldemandmorereadersandthattheyberegistered.Fromthere,howherecruitssome;committingthemtowanttobepartymembers,tostartdistributingthenewspaper,ortodoanythingelseforthepartyeveniftheystilldon’tdaretosell,tostartpayingdues;andfinally,howhemanagestoformateamoffourorfivecomradeswhostartmeetingconsistently.Again,inthiswecannotbedogmatic,firstyousellandthenyoumeet.Itispossiblethatfromgoingtoafactoryeveryweek,westartgettingthreeorfourcomradeswhowanttotalktousbecausetheybuythepaperfromus,buttheydon’tyetsell.Inthiscase,weverypatientlyhavetomakethatmeetingbecomeanewpartygroupwhereeveryonegoesoutwithsomeactivityandsellingthenewspaper.Thevariationsareendless;ourgreatestdangerisdogmatism.

Thesewillbethevanguardcadresofthepartyatthisstage.Thosewhogoout,towardstheclassandthemasses.Thosewhocometoourpremisestoarmthemselvespoliticallyfortheactivityandcomeoutbuzzingtowardsthefactories,neighbourhoods,schoolsanduniversities.Thosewhofeeltheirplace,theirnaturalenvironmentareneitherthepartypremises,northeinternallife,buttheworkingclassorthestudents,whatisoutsideoftheparty.

Thatdoesn’tmeanthatonlytheyarecadres.Theyarethevanguard,thecrèmedelacrèmeofthepartyatthisstage.Butcadreisanycomradewhodedicatestothepartyalltheirefforts,whosacrificeshimselfeverydaygivingcountlesshoursoftheirlivestotheactivityoftheparty.Cadreisthecomradewhosellsveryfewnewspapersbutlovestopaintandgoeswithoutsleepforpaintingslogans.Orwhoeverydayarrangesourpremises,getschairs,hasitneatandtidy.Orhe’sagreatadministratorwhokeepstheaccountsandhasthemverywellcontrolledandfollowsupallcomradestogetthemuptobeuptodatewithduesandnewspapermoney.Orwhokeepsorganizingpeñas[folkgatherings],raffles,footballmatchesorwhatevertogetmoneyfortheparty.Orwhoisgreatstreetsellerofnewspapersatstationsandmalls,hedoesn’tenrolorrecruitsanyonebuthesellsdozensofnewspapersandmakesthepresenceofthepartyfelt.Orwhoguaranteesthemimeographisavailableatanytimeweneedtoprintsomething.Orathousandotheractivities.

Finally,therearecomradeswhoarecadresbytheirownweight,becausetheyareverygoodinaspecialty,althoughtheymaybesomehowlazyandsacrificelessthantherest.Cadreisagreatleaderofaunionorneighbourhood,perhapssomehowundisciplined,lookingafterhis“patch”,butrecognizedasaleaderinthefactoryorneighbourhood.Alsoacadreisagreatpropagandistfortheoutside,whohelpsthepartyalotbygivingtalksbecausehetrapsallwhohearhim.Orfortheinside,whogivesverygoodcoursesandthushelpstotrainthemilitants.Orothervariations,likegoodwritersandsoon.

Hierarchyofthepartystructure

Fromwhathasbeensaidsofarthedifferencebetweenacadreandarankandfilebaseemergesclearly.Someareveryactive,putbodyandsoulforthepartyinanytasksand/orplayaprominentroleintheclassstruggleorinsomespecificpartytask.Theothersarecomradeswhocarryouttheirdailyactivitiesintheirplaceofwork,studyorneighbourhood,sellsomenewspapersandpayduestotheparty,buttheyaren’tyetinvolvedinthepartyalltheirfreetimeordon’texcelinanyactivity.Manyoftherankandfilemilitantswillendupbeingcadresovertime.Someofthecadreswillceasetobe.Andwewillalsorecruitformedcadres,becausetheyhavebeentrainedinotherorganizationsorbecausetheclassstruggleitselfhasformedthem.Inanycase,asthepartygrowsandbecomesofmasses,wewillhavemoreandmorerankandfilemilitants,manymorethancadres.

Cadresandrankandfilemilitantshave,inasense,thesamerights.Theyallhave partyorgansinwhichtodiscussandvote;theyallhavethesamevotetoelectdelegatestopartycongresses,andsoon.Butthatdoesn’tmeanthatthepartydoesn’thaveahierarchyamongitsmilitants.Forusitisn’tthesamethecomradewhosacrificeseverythingforthepartyasthosewhodon’t.

Thecadrehasdifferentneedsfromtherankandfilemilitant.Thecadreseeksinthepartynotonlythepolicyresponsestotheclassstruggle,butalsointernalresponsesofallkinds:organizationalline,theoreticalcourses,andsoon.If,forexample,intheoutwardprocess,wewininaneighbourhoodacomradewhosellsusthreeorfourweeklynewspapersandwho’swillingtocontributefinancially,he’sarankandfilemilitant.Butifthatcomradebeginstogathertwoorthreeofthenewspaper’sreadersandmanagesthattogethertheysell15or20newspapers,he’sbecomingacadre.Immediatelyhe’sgoingtoaskusallkindsoforientation:Howtoorganizemeetings?Whattopicstodiscuss?Howtoprepareaninternational,nationaloractivityreport?Whatactivitywouldheassigntothecomradeshemeets?Thecomradehasbeguntolead.

Ofthesetwoelements,thedegreeofcommitmenttothepartyandtheneedsthatthisposes,thepartyhierarchyemerges.Acadrehasmorehierarchythanarankandfilemilitant.Similarly,aregionalleaderhasmorehierarchythanarankandfilecadre,sinceheactsandtriestoguideallcadresandmembersofthepartyregionandthisposesgreaterproblems:todevelopapolicyforthewholeregion,intheunion,neighbourhoodandstudentfronts;tofollowuptherelationswithpoliticalpartiesinthearea;toensurepartycoursesandschools;tohaveandensureanoverallplanoffinances;tohaveanapparatus;andsoon.Andwhatistheirmostimportanttask:trainingcadres.

Andthusupward,wherethemosthierarchizedcomradescan be found:thenationalleaders.Andevenmorehierarchical:theinternationalleaders.

Thishierarchicalstructuringissimilarinonesensebutoppositeinanothertowhathappensinanarmy.Inthebourgeoisarmytheriseinhierarchyisachievedbureaucraticallyandbydecisionofthehighesthierarchy:theCommanderinChief.Andnoonegoeslowerinhierarchyunlessforsomedishonourableactionorsomethingofthesort.Inthepartytherearenopermanenthierarchies.Anyonegoeslowerifnotperforming,andanyonerisesifperforming.Amilitantismoreorlesshierarchizedbyhisperformanceforthepartyandtheclassstruggleateverymoment.Butalso,therankingisdonedemocratically.Itistherankandfileoftheparty,nottheleadership,whoelectdelegatestothecongresses.Andthosecongressdelegateselecttheleadership.

Thehierarchyofthemilitantsisearnedbyindividualeffortandability,buttakesshapethroughtheorganismsoftheparty.Whatarehierarchicalinthepartyareitsorganisms:theCentralCommitteeistheorganismofnationalleaders;theregionalleadershipthatoftheregionandsoon.

Inthestageofreversal,defensive,ofthepartythatwehavejustleftbehind,ourgrassrootsorganizations,thelocalpremises,gatheredtogetherinassembliescadresandrankandfilemilitants,withnodifferenceswhatsoever.Thiswasnaturalbecause—beinglockedinabuilding—nomajordifferencesbetweenthemwerevisible.Butinthisnewerait’scategoricallynecessarytohaveahierarchyofthecadres.Wehavetogotowardstwoverydifferentmeetings:thecadresandrankandfileteams.Themeetinginthepremisesmustofthecadresandforthem.Theymust,inadditiontothemeetingitself,haveaspecialtreatment:internalnewsletterforthemandnotforallmembers;coursesandschoolsforthem,andsoon.Therankandfilehavetheirownmeetingsintheirneighbourhoods,factoriesandschools(andiftheywantto,alsointhepremises),underthedirectionofoneortwocadres.

Likeanycategoricalline,especiallyifitisintheorganizationalfield,thiscanleadtoseriouserrors,ofwhichwe’realreadyalertingnow.Itisaverygraveerrortoseparatecomradesfromthetraditionalmeetingsinthelocalpremisesbecausewedon’tconsiderthemcadres.Andthis,fordifferentreasons:

1)Becauseouroutwardsexpansion,towardstheconstructionofnewrankandfilegroupsoftheparty,isstillinitsearlystages.It’saverybadthingtoremoveacomradefromabodyifthereisn’talreadyanotherbodyinwhichtoincorporateher.Ifwedoso,we’lllosemanyvaluablecomrades.

2)Becauseouroutwardsexpansionbeingstillweak,wehavenocriteria,objectiveevidenceastowhorespondsascadreandwhodoesn’t.Wewouldbemakingthedivisionbetweencadresandrankandfilemilitantsinthelaboratoryofourheads,ratherthanmakingitinthelaboratoryofpartyactivityandtheclassstruggle.This waywewilllosemanypotentialcadres,whocouldbecomesoifweguidethemandhelpthemintheiractivity,whowanttobe,butarenotthereyet.

3)Because,aswithanyprocess,ithasatransition.Therevolutionistoensurethatourmeetingsbecomecadresmeetingsbecause oftheircontent:itisdiscussed,itisplanned,voted,andtheactivityiscontrolledasiftheywereallcadres.Butnobodyisseparatedfromthemeetingsofcadresfornow.Thosewhoarenotupforthestandardofthemeetingwillnoticeitandtheywillnaturallywanttochangetootherkindofmeetings,ofrankandfile,wheretheywillfeelcomfortable.

4)Becauseweareverypoortocorrectlylocatethecomrades,asweshallseelater.Andweshouldn’tdismissanyoneascadreuntilwehavemadealltheeffortsandpossible locations,stimuliand variantshavebeenofferedtogetthemallexcitedandtakeinfulltheactivityofacadre.

Therefore,inthistransition,thehierarchyofcadresshouldbedoneaccordingtoafundamentalcriterion:enthusiasm,passionfortheactivity.Firstofall,thepassionforsellingthenewspaper.Andalsothepassionforanyactivityintheclassstruggleandinthebuildingoftheparty.

Thegreattaskoftheleadership:placing,givinginitiativeandmotivatingcadresandmilitants

Ithappensquiteoftenthatwedismissascadrescomradeswhoareactivealldayandeverydayorarebrilliantinsomeaspectofpartyworkjustbecausetheydon’tdowellthecorebusinessofthestage:now,forexample,tosellnewspapersandbuildpartygroups.Weareagainstdoingthis.Ifcadresdon’tperformfortheparty,it’snottheirresponsibility,buttheregionalleadership’s,whohavefailedtoplacethemitinanactivitywheretheyperform,ortoexcitethem,motivatethemforactivity.

Itisquitecommonforustobeunilateral,formal,dogmatic,administrative.Wemayaspirethatallcadresandmilitantsdothesametask,andinthesameway.And,inthisway,weletthemmoveawayornot perform for the party valuablecomradeswhoarenotgood at,ordon’tknow how,ordon’tfeelcomfortabledoingthattask.Ifinateamofcadreswefindthattheyalldounionwork,forexample,allsellthesameamountofnewspapers,etc.,somethingisverywrong.Weeitherhavealreadyletgoofothercadreswhohaddifferentcharacteristics,insteadofplacingthemwheretheycanperform.Orwe’reforcingeveryonetodothesame,andthemajorityofthecomradesfeelbad,depressed,uncomfortable,andstillactiveonlythroughdisciplineandmorale,manyofthemapproachingcrisis.

Thissamethingmayalsobemovedtothenewpartygroupsthatweareforming.Iftherankandfilecadrehasnotseentheregionaldirectorateorganizingitwithacorrectmethod,hewillmovethissamebureaucraticoradministrativemethodtonewcomradesinthenewgroups.There,theharmfulresultswillbeseenevenfaster,preciselybecausetheyarenewandhavenotyetreachedthelevelofdisciplineofthecadres.Simply,thecomradeswillthink,“I’mnogoodatwhatthepartyisaskingme”,andmoveaway.