IA Part B: Evidence and Analysis
Warm-Up Discussion: Read pages 10-11 in your assessment guide and answer the following:
- What is the main difference between evidence and analysis?
- Why is analysis important in your IA?
- Why do you think students struggle to develop an in-depth and critical analysis in their IA?
Analysis vs. Evidence Directions: For each sample part B, you will be required to distinguish between analysis and evidence. As you read, highlight/underline all evidence ______and all analysis ______.
#1) How did the Lavender Scare impact the U.S. LGBT community during the 1950s?
As things progressively got more intense, President Eisenhower felt pressured to strengthen security procedures which directly lead to the signing of Executive Order 10450.[1] The order stated that behavior of “sexual perversion” will stand as credible reason to discharge a government employee.[2] The main source of reasoning behind why Eisenhower felt that “sexual perversion” should be included was that he believed “homosexuality was so inherently abhorrent that it could be used as a means of blackmail…and thus could never be trusted in government.”[3] Though this began as a popular view among government officials prior to the signing, Order 10450 solidified the belief among the general public that homosexuals in government were actually a threat to the safety of the American people. In a sense, it was the fire that sparked the purge among an entire nation. Dramatic measures were taken to eliminate this security risk and the effect on the LGBT community went from a surface concern to a deep-seeded fear for their lives.As a result of the public hysteria, government agencies began changing their policies, the application process for government positions became extremely tedious, and applicants were consistently checked from a master list that the government had which included the names of every person ever investigated for being a potential homosexual.[4],[5] In an interview with the Joseph C. Walsh, Director of the Security Office (1953-1957), he explains that the majority of those who were denied security clearance were those admitted homosexuals.[6]From Walsh’s statement as well as other sources with similar observations, it’s apparent that communism itself was no longer the main focus of the time. Homosexuality was perceived to be as threatening as communism to the safety of the nation, and as a result LGBT employees were subjected to face the consequences. Walsh commented, “It was a nasty business, seeking out and identifying people suspected of homosexuality…. there were several awfully decent and intelligent people who worked within the Agency whom I got to know well and enjoyed working within the Agency programs who, suddenly and peremptorily, dropped out of the picture — disappeared! Under investigation, they had admitted their homosexuality and had resigned.”[7] Walsh captured the extent at which the lives of the LGBT community working within the government were affected. Intelligent people with relationships among coworkers and established lives feared the humiliation of being identified as a homosexual so much so that they quit their jobs and hid. Even being the director of the Security Office, Walsh could sense the severity and negative impact that the hunt had, he didn’t find it to be a rewarding experience. However, not all government officials were as sympathetic as he was to the situation. Seeking out alleged homosexuals became more than just a task, but rather a frenzy.
#2) How did the Varangian Guard contribute to the success of the Byzantine Empire?
The Byzantine empire begins to focus on the Eastern front with the death of Bulgarian Tsar Simeon I in 1927. This severely weakened the Bulgarians which allowed the focus of the Byzantine empire to launch their assault in increase their territory. In 943 The Byzantine empire permanently regain Melitine by general John Kurokouas, who continued the offense of Mesopotamia and victories in Muslim states in the East advocated in the favoring the side of the Byzantine Empire.
The cause of the expansion of the Byzantine Empire effectively into Syria was due to the soldier-emperors Nikephoros II Phokas (963-969) and John I Tzimiskes(969-976) by defeating the emirs of north-western Iraq. Nikephoros conquered the great city of Aleppo in 962 and expelled the Arabs from Crete in 963 which put an end to the raids of the Arabs in Aegan, allowing Greece to continue to develop. Cyrus was permanently taken over by Nikephoros in 965 and also captured Antioch which was incorporated into the Byzantine Empire as a province. His successor John Tzimiskes re conquered many territories such as Damascus, Beirut, Acre, Sidon, Caesarea, and Tiberias and increasing territory to be within range of Jerusalem. By this time the Empire stretched from Euphrates to Messina and from Danube to Syria.
#3) How did student movements in the 1920’s influence Korea’s independence from Japan?
The first major movement against Japanese rule was the March First Movement of 1919. It was evident that “whereas in 1910 ‘most Koreans accepted annexation without protest, [it was] only nine years late [when] they rose up against the Japanese in nationalist fervor’, the famous Samil (March First) movement.”[8] This justifies how the March First Movement was Korea’s first step towards independence. This movement was partially influenced by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points speech which then “served as a rallying point for students and community leaders.”[9] This would suggest that students and other leaders based their declaration of independence on the principle that they did not want violence but rather only wanted to restore their homeland. This was then directly stated in their draft of Korea’s Declaration of Independence.
On March 1st “thousands of Koreans openly resisted the occupation of the Korean peninsula by the Japanese government and began fighting for their independence.”[10] The use of the word “fighting” conveys that this movement may have been a violent one. “All of them were appalled at the violence of the colonial authorities, but many also blamed radicals and agitators for provoking the violence.”[11] This suggests that there were many who saw this movement as one of being power hungry and full of revenge and hatred. However, it was a nonviolent protest consisting of more than 1500 protest gatherings in which nearly two million civilians took part in but did not instigate any sort of violent acts.[12] Of those two million civilians “approximately 12,880 students (from two hundred middle high schools and colleges) were involved”[13], demonstrating that there was heavy student involvement in the movement and in different areas of the region.
[1]"The Lavender Scare: The Cold War Persecution of Gays and Lesbians in the Federal Government · Outhistory.org."Omeka RSS. Web. 26 Apr. 2016
[2]"Executive Orders."National Archives and Records Administration.Accessed March 21, 2016.
[3]"What It's Like to Be Gay in the Ultra-Masculine NatSec Community." Foreign Policy What Its Like to Be Gay in the UltraMasculineNatSec Community Comments. Accessed April 26, 2016.
[4]Johnson, David K. The Lavender Scare: The Cold War Persecution of Gays and Lesbians in the Federal Government. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004.) pg.73
[5]"The Lavender Scare: The Cold War Persecution of Gays and Lesbians in the Federal Government · Outhistory.org."Omeka RSS. Web. 26 Apr. 2016
[6]Adst. "The "Lavender Scare": Homosexuals at the State Department." The Huffington Post.Accessed April 26, 2016.
[7]Ibid.
[8] Pratt, Keith. Everlasting Flower: A History of Korea (Reaktion Books Lts, London, 2006), 217
[9] Corby, Elowyn. "Koreans Protest Japanese Control in the "March 1st Movement, 1919." (Mar. 2011)
[10]Kim, Lymhwa and Krista Moon. “First of March Korean Independence Movement and Sun Myung Moon” (Feb. 2013)
[11]Cumings, Bruce. Korea’s Place In the Sun: A Modern History (Updated) (Norton & Company Inc, New York, 2005), 157.
[12] Corby, Elowyn. "Koreans Protest Japanese Control in the "March 1st Movement, 1919." (Mar. 2011)
[13]Weiss, Meredith L. and Edward Aspinall. Student Activism in Asia: Between Protest and Powerlessness (University of Minnesota Press, 2012) 126.