Formation of New Yugoslav State

Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives),
Volume 38, April, 1992 Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Republics, Page 38848
© 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved.

Formation of new Yugoslav state

The Federal Assembly adopted on April 27 the constitution of a new Yugoslav state, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), comprising only two republics–Serbia (together with its autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina) and Montenegro. This effectively acknowledged the separate existence of Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia-Hercegovina and Macedonia.

The declaration on the formation of the FRY stated that the FRY would be ready to recognize the former Yugoslav republics which had declared independence, after “outstanding questions” had been negotiated, and it denied territorial claims. The “Serbian Republic of Krajina” (within Croatia) welcomed the creation of the FRY as its “own mother state”.

The new constitution (approved by 73 votes to one with three abstentions) had already been accepted by both the Serbian and Montenegrin republican assemblies on April 23. In draft form it had been agreed on April 1, based on principles agreed in February, and following the Montenegrin referendum in March [see p. 38833].

According to the new constitution, the Federal President (to be elected by the legislature) and Prime Minister might not be from the same republic. Elections to the Chamber of Citizens and to the Chamber of Republics, which together comprised the new Federal Assembly, were scheduled for May 31. The new constitution described the FRY as a “sovereign federal state based on the principle of equality of its citizens and its member republics"; the republics had sovereignty over issues not within the competence of the FRY. The Yugoslav National Army (JNA) would become the Army of the Republic of Yugoslavia, and would comprise only FRY citizens, under the command of a Supreme Defence Council chaired by the FRY President. The FRY Army would operate only on FRY territory.

Although the constitutional law granted cultural minority rights, the Albanian and Hungarian minorities, concentrated in Kosovo and Vojvodina respectively, distanced themselves from the FRY, criticizing the constitution's omission of collective political rights. Leaders of the Serbian province of Kosovo pressed for independent membership of the Conference on security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) and for recognition by the international community. Bujar Bukoshi, president of the provincial government in Kosovo (which was 90 per cent ethnic Albanian) visited Albania on April 28, when the new Albanian President, Sali Berisha, welcomed him and stated: “We must demand the right for self determination of the Albanians in ex-Yugoslavia."

Foreign reactions

The ceremony on April 27 proclaiming the new Yugoslavia was boycotted by representatives of member countries of the European Communities (EC), except for Greece, but was attended by representatives of Canada, China, Russia, and non-aligned countries.

The Greek Prime Minister, Constantine Mitsotakis, visited Belgrade for talks with Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic on April 30. Greece and Serbia had a common interest in delaying international recognition of Macedonian independence [see p. 38779 and below].

The formation of the FRY preceded a CSCE meeting on April 30 in Helsinki, which was to debate Yugoslavia's possible exclusion from the CSCE. The Helsinki session, while welcoming Bosnia-Hercegovina as a member [see above], decided to allow Yugoslavia to retain its seat, while stressing that thereby it was not accepting a solution of the succession to the former Yugoslavia. (The new FRY laid claim to the former Yugoslavia's diplomatic representation abroad, and undertook to continue its non-aligned status, as well as to be guided by the CSCE's 1990 Charter of Paris for a New Europe—for which see p. 37838])

Economy

On April 10 the National Bank of Yugoslavia (NBY) announced that it was seeking rescheduling of its foreign debts, which totalled US$15,000 million. On April 13, Yugoslavia once again devalued the dinar, this time by 57 per cent, the official rate against the Deutschmark falling from DM 1.00=85 dinars to a new initial rate of DM 1.00=200 dinars [for devaluations in January and March see pp. 38704; 38833]. The dinar was still official currency in all republics except Slovenia and Croatia [see pp. 38513; 38685].

The EC had conditionally ended trade sanctions against Serbia on April 7 [for their imposition see pp. 38559; 38684], but warned of renewed sanctions, and even a severing of diplomatic links with Yugoslavia, if fighting involving Serbian forces in Bosnia-Hercegovina had not abated by April 29.

The fighting in Bosnia-Hercegovina, which began after the republic's declaration of independence on March 3 [see p. 38832], intensified throughout April. By the end of the month an estimated 350 people had been killed and 420,000 left homeless. EC-sponsored peace talks, and a series of EC-backed ceasefires, failed to end the conflict; on April 28 the UN agreed in principle to extend its involvement in Yugoslavia to Bosnia-Hercegovina.

International recognition of Bosnia-Hercegovina

EC Foreign Ministers, meeting in Luxembourg on April 6, recognized the independence of Bosnia-Hercegovina from April 7. The USA also recognized the republic's independence (and that of Croatia and Slovenia) on April 7, in a reversal of its previous policy. In response a Serbian republic of Bosnia-Hercegovina was declared by ethnic Serbs who feared separation from Serbia proper, and who had boycotted the Feb. 29-March 2 referendum on independence [see p. 38832].

Croatia, Czechoslovakia, Finland, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia were also among the first countries to recognize Bosnia-Hercegovina.

On April 21, Bosnian president Alija Izetbegovic rejected the resignation of Jure Pelivan as Prime Minister (submitted on April 6 when a state of emergency was imposed in Sarajevo), appointing him as Prime Minister-designate to a radically restructured future government.

Course of fighting

On April 5 and 6, a 7,000-strong peace demonstration in Sarajevo was fired on by snipers from inside one of the capital's hotels, which was then stormed by demonstrators.

Fighting at this stage centred around Mostar and the eastern towns of Visegrad and Foca. Air force jets attacked Croatian towns in western Bosnia on April 7. Fighting worsened from April 14 on the Bosnian-Serb border and on the northern border with Croatia few days later, as Serbian forces appeared to be attempting to create a corridor from Bosanska Krajina (a Serb enclave in western Bosnia-Hercegovina) to Serbia. Serb forces took the towns of Zvornik, Srebrenica and Bratunac near Sarajevo, and two districts of Sarajevo itself. Most main roads were cut, creating supply problems. Fighting also set alight the oil refinery in Bosanski Brod on the Bosnian-Croatian border.

Sarajevo itself came under artillery fire on April 21; the Bosnian leadership believed that the Serbs were attempting to cut the city in two. Moslem counter-attacks followed on April 22, with hospitals and EC monitors' headquarters coming under fire. An EC-brokered ceasefire on April 23 [see above] collapsed within hours as heavy fighting resumed. On April 27 there was a heavy bombardment of Sarajevo, and fighting intensified thereafter.

Attempts to implement ceasefire arrangements and peace talks

Lord Carrington, chair of the EC peace conference on Yugoslavia, brokered a ceasefire on April 23 (which was, however, broken within hours-see above). The ceasefire was signed by the leaders of the three national parties: President Izetbegovic of the (Moslem) Party for Democratic Action (SDA), Radovan Karadzic of the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) and Mate Boban of the Croatian Democratic Community (HDZ) [for ethnic composition of Bosnia-Her-cegovina see p. 38832; see also map]. The talks resumed in Lisbon on April 27.

Bosnia-Hercegovina's ethnic leaders had agreed at the April 23 round of EC peace talks to continue their March 18 accord [see p. 38832] to negotiate a new constitution. The Presidents of the six republics formerly comprising Yugoslavia agreed to work to restore their economic links.

Earlier in the month, a truce on April 12 brokered by EC envoy José Cutilheiro had effectively been ignored. EC negotiators also held talks with Serbian President Milosevic, acting Federal Defence Minister Col.-Gen. Blagoje Adzic, and President Franjo Tudjman of Croatia. UN envoy Cyrus Vance arrived in Belgrade on April 15 and also visited Sarajevo.

JNA involvement

The JNA and Serbian leaders consistently denied that the JNA was a participant in the fighting in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The JNA's role, they said, was to restore order against the Croatian armed forces and irregular Moslem militia. The Yugoslav presidency also rejected a CSCE declaration of April 16 which accused Serbian irregulars and the JNA of “violating the territorial integrity of and human rights in Bosnia-Hercegovina”.

The intensified fighting at the end of April was apparently due to a report disseminated by Tanjug news agency on April 29 that the Bosnian leadership had called for a blockade of JNA forces in Bosnia-Hercegovina, and that Moslem forces had virtually declared war on the JNA. The report was strongly denied by the Bosnian Territorial Defence.

On April 7, the UN security Council recommended the full deployment of the United Nations Protection Force in Yugoslavia (UNPROFOR), which was to be stationed in Serb-populated areas within Croatia [see p. 38778], and a $26,000,000 net reduction in its estimated cost. The ceasefire in Croatia negotiated in January generally held, although there were conflicting claims of violations and reports of deaths from both the JNA and the Croatian side, and fighting appeared to intensify on April 3 prior to the deployment of UNPROFOR.

The Great People's Assembly of the Serbian enclave of Slavonia, Baranja and Western Srem in Croatia adopted a statute on April 4 incorporating the region as a territorial unit within the “Serbian Republic of Krajina” [see p. 38685].

South Africa recognized Slovenia and Croatia on April 3. The USA did so on April 7 at the same time as recognizing Bosnia-Hercegovina [see above]. Israel was reported on April 16 to have recognized Slovenia and Croatia, and on April 28 established diplomatic relations with Slovenia, while calling for Croatia to recognize its role in the Holocaust. On April 27 China recognized both republics. France established diplomatic relations with Slovenia on April 23, and with Croatia on April 24, confirming that it would support Slovenia's request for UN membership and for co-operation with the EC.

Croatian government reshuffle

Croatian Prime Minister Franjo Greguric announced on April 11 a major government reshuffle. None of the 11 new ministers named had previously served in the cabinet.

On April 10, the press had reported the resignation of Interior Minister, Ivan Vekic, although he had made no announcement to the Sabor (parliament). His replacement, Ivan Jarnjak, had hitherto served as Deputy Interior Minister. Minister of Education and Culture Vladimir Pavletic had also resigned on April 10, following criticism from parliamentary deputies over schoolbooks which continued to name the mother country as Yugoslavia.

New Slovenian government

On April 22 the Slovene Assembly passed a vote of no confidence in the government. Lojze Peterle resigned as President of the Executive Council (Prime Minister), saying afterwards that he would devote himself to his political party work (as leader of the Christian Democratic Party). The Assembly voted by 126 out of the 208 votes cast to appoint Janez Drnovsek, chair of the Liberal Democratic Party, as the new Prime Minister-designate. Drnovsek said that a new government would be formed within days, and promised early elections.

The DEMOS (Democratic Opposition of Slovenia) coalition, consisting initially of six parties and elected in April 1990 [see p. 37381], had led Slovenia to independence. In December 1991, however, it had dissolved itself [see p. 38685], and split into conservative and liberal factions, respectively the Christian Democratic Party and the People's (formerly Peasants') Party, and the Liberal Democratic Party and the Democratic Party. The early part of 1992 had seen controversy within the government over policy and the government's composition. With 27 ministries and little co-ordination between them it was recognized to be cumbersome and inefficient. The government had also faced criticism over its slowness in implementing economic reforms. In February, a group of deputies, led by Marko Voljc, who was said to be a candidate for a post in the new government, had called for a no confidence vote against the government.

Peterle (born in had been leader of the Christian Democrats since autumn 1989, and as the leader of the largest coalition party, had been appointed Prime Minister after the elections. Latterly, he had been criticized for being more concerned about “restoring dignity to politics” and strengthening Slovenia's Catholic and conservative traditions than about solving the economic problems resulting from communist rule and independence.

International recognition of Macedonia was still delayed. President Kiro Gligorov, responding to the failure of the EC meeting in Luxembourg on April 6 to recognize Macedonia, accused Greece of “abusing its position as an EC member” [for Greek objections to recognizing Macedonia see p. 38779]. Macedonia's parliament adopted on April 26 a government proposal for Macedonia's own currency, the denar, which for a one-year transitional period would be represented by a coupon at the rate of DM 1.00=360 denars.

On March 30, Macedonia and Croatia established diplomatic relations. Macedonia recognized Bosnia-Hercegovina on April 26 [For Macedonia Slovenia diplomatic relations see p. 38833.].

The Albanian minority in Macedonia (approximately 21 per cent of the population) held demonstrations in early April in the capital Skopje and in the north-west, demanding that the Albanian population be given the status of a constituent nation as a precondition for international recognition of Macedonia. Reports spoke of Albanians having proclaimed their republic of Ilirida in north-west Macedonia. The first enlistments to the Macedonian army were reported on April 13, although Albanians were said to be refusing to obey the call-up.

Last article pp. 38832-33.