Educational Regimes in Contemporary India
By Reem Ashraf
Introduction:
Education, is advocated as potent tool of carving modernisation in the country besides two other important reinforcements, that being industrialisation and urbanisation. Contemporary education draws from western origins, where by the traditional content of education in India was esoteric, metaphysical, with its reach limited to elite class of India and the organisation of education was ascriptive (Singh 1973).By term educational regimes, perhaps the author in very beginning signifies locating educational regimes in broad political terrain that encompasses the global, national and local context (Jeffery 2005).
The kernel questions revolving around the value which education possess, the purpose and aim it serves, has been a critical issue pertaining to development of nations which now is being discussed at international forums.Besides, policy issues reflecting the demand for education, interms of its intrinsic[i] and extrinsic[ii] value, the arguments precisely involves the discussion of education in terms of catering demand of the labour markets and assuring certain future stream of income, to how individual or society decides to invest, undertakes and values education. It also attempts to give a critical insight to the contemporary education post independent India, where the contemporary regime is contrasted viz a viz the policy rhetoric of independent India. Where by, India development is was crucially seen in terms of inclusive development. Prime task at the advent of independence was to get relief form the crutches of poverty, disease, unemployment or in other words a marked progress to build a prosperous state by creating a democratic and healthy social, economic and political setup to ensure justice, gender equality and inclusion.
Then the question posed is the interface between formal and informal education. The arguments in the book take their own discourse reflecting the need and importance of differentiated system of education covering much wide range of educational aspirations. The Sen’s approach to development as freedom is what runs as an explanation for such a diversified educational regime, where development is seen as freedom of choices. Book furtherexpresses concerns over the marginalised and under privileged, on account of contemporary phenomenon such as privatisationglobal labour markets and differentiated system of learning is concerned.
Whilst wide array of knowledge available, the potential question the book argue is as to if knowledge is broadly classified as in terms of living languages, technologies or communication system, then what is that which constitutes which is known as “essential” most knowledge. What is then considered essential, invites arguments of different sorts. From Labour market argument, though highly criticised worldwide,( much of the political economy also revolves in the globalised labour market) to capability and egalitarian or efficiency equity arguments.
The blurring boundaries, across nations, on account of globalisation are most felt in the area of education. Concerns over the role of language ineducationand the how the whole knowledge society is converging towards similar mode of knowledge production, absorption and radiation is what is further detailed in the book. It’s said that theextensive use of common global language and certain competitive examination patterns which tend to evaluate every one across world on similar pattern without differentiation, so such trends show potential of nations converging towards similar educational regimes. Book though provides enough examples to contest the convergence notion, by the potential arguments of brain drain for under developed countries along with the depleting opportunities of marginalised individuals.
Thus the book situates itself in context of education as a potent tool of realising the goal of inclusive development on one hand and also as a tool for social stratification[iii] as well.Thus it proceeds by evaluating the contemporary educational regime as a whole.
The book circles around three classifications pertaining to three different facets of contemporary educational regimes.
- Changing Context of Education and State:
This section makes an attempt to shed light on the State activities and its policies and resultant effect on education. How various policy discourses have shaped landscape of the Indian education?In the subsequent chapters, as book evolves, we see how the narratives of contemporary education and its impact on society is seen and felt. Further the ideals and provision in constitution and policy initiatives are weighed interms of their impact on socio cultural and economic environment. Whether or not the education in its present form has made depart from policy initiatives or development goals or has made nationto come in conformity with development and policy goals by making a dent on socio cultural, economic inequalities.
History stands testimony of the fact for Indian society, have had to its credit, formal institutions established in pre-colonial and early colonial period resting on the religious institutional regimes, caste or other associations- Madrassa, Gurukul, Pathshala. Also the society has witnessed a number of system imparting knowledge such fromhomes, workshops to the formal educational setups.
Such horizontal diversification in educational system is still accompanied by vertical inequalities as far as history traces from post independent period.Though English historians of past generation, did praised lavishly, for equipping the country for rapid progress under colonial rule, in terms of the infrastructural massive scale development projects such as railways, etc. The author has strongly taken stand by supporting the very notion that British policies hardly representing social engineering as far as the country as a whole was concerned (KleinIra, 2000).Situation in the post-colonial period also stands proof of handful elite being educatedas these policies failed to impact education of the masses as per the British agenda, investment was scanty in social capital and thus did not impart wide comprehension of essential features of westernization.
Strong class caste barriers or social divides and stigmas deterred the poor’s in terms of access to education, employment and also because they were illiterate, unskilled and hence competence for job remained low at their ends.The original writing of Gandhi’s Varnashrama Dharma, well supports authors allegations, that much of the children’s educational options were often limited to the cast based occupational skills.Thus gender, cast, class barriers have long obstructed the flow of knowledge.
The end of colonial period did raise question about States role as an investor in education. If State intervention is required, then is it limited to mere financing, resource allocation or supervision? Furthermore how to buildup an inclusive society without compromising on equity efficiency?
As education and more specifically primary education was realised as public good[iv], policy discourses were followed by friction and contestation due to political economy behind States activity. As Nehru did ignore, the very idea, of Basic education[v],the formal education, schools aimed at promoting social cohesion, communal understanding and production of skilled labour force to supplement development.The debates also revolve around the idea of liberal curriculum for primary schooling.
Thus India being a federal State, with clear division between Centre and State activity, State Govt.s realised importance of education, did allocate resources for formalinstitutional setups on one hand and devalue informal educational setup. Through post independent India saw marked increase in enrolments but equity and inclusion to a greater extent remains issue of great concern till date.
Especially the post reform period, the present section elaborates the resource crunch, which was felt the most in the social sectors of economy (education and health). Post reform opening of the economy, internationalised the politics of India. International stakeholders have to a greater extent put India at a position where by much of educational policy, investment issues have been a result of their demand. In fact the Millennium Development Goal of UN and Right toEducation and literacy targets of 11th Five year plan are often said to be a reflection of international pressure.
Further, formal institution-schools, which are identified with modern curriculum, time table, discipline which all together culminate to formation human capital. Realising the wide social rate of returns[vi]in primary education as argued by the World Bank[vii], a liberalised economy has to balance well the international protocols and its role with in the domestic territory as far as education sector is concerned. But the chapters express severe failure on part of the State not only in terms of universalization of elementary education but also inclusion.
In fact the chapter by Roger Jeffery et al, Social Inequalities and Privatisation of Secondary Schooling, well illustrates Nehruvian vision. Dividing the time frame into 1950-1990 and 1990 onwards, though the educational inequalities did reduce with much of the access to middle income, urban upper cast boys, the educational access did trickle down to poor, rural, lower caste Hindu and Muslim girls but the magnitude post 1990’s still is grim scenario. And the subsidised educational benefits are still not filtered so as to reach the socially excluded masses.
The credit crunch has provided soft entry to the private players in the elementary education sphere. This has resulted in resource scarce, poor quality Govt. schools catering to the poor and marginalised on one hand and on the other hand fee maker quality private schools catering the privileged masses that have ability and willingness to pay. Roger Jeffery,et al have made above arguments clear as according to them “whereas the Govt. and aided schools offered some opportunities to the poor and marginalised up to 1990, they are increasingly now offering only ‘cooling out’ functions, and ghettoization”(Jeffery et al 2005).Focused area being Bijnor, authors have expressed class, gender and community implications of privatisation and resulting equity and efficiency and free access divide.
The chapter by Rammya Subramanian, on Educational Exclusion and Developmental State and SaradaBalgopalan in her research paper An Ideal School and Schooled Ideal:Education at the Margins, on out of school reflect the dynamics of exclusion which is deep rooted in the Indian society.
With the policies other than State sponsored schools, community based governance how Urdu as a language with constitutional provisions, has a political economy behind its current existence or its marginalised status in Independent India. Thus the current status of the Urdu medium schools is marked by poor infrastructure, text book lags, untrained teachers along with social recognition of Urdu with identity of Muslims. Where, Muslims-Madrassa-Urdu is seen synonymous to each other and also synonymous to backwardness. Then further the author, Anne Vaugier-Chatterjee has deliberated on the influence of the political regimes to keep Urdu at the place which is where it is resting. Political regimes are perhaps one of important determinant, colouring the present status of Urdu.
- Teaching and learning Regimes:
A very critical insight is provided where the formal education setup is contrasted with informal home-based workshop training/learning processes. In developing countries, like India with supply side bottle necks and unemployment, skill training on workshop or anywhere distant from formal school setup may not be a well-received notion for advocates of human capital approachbut certainly comes in conformity with the capability approach of AmartyaSen for development of a nation, which does not only focuses on rate of return- skill formation-education debate but goes to the extent of explaining freedom of choices, inherent capabilities and freedom of choice and resulting in skilled labour conducive for development of economy.
Chapters here elaborate thus the contemporary learning regimes in India and critical evaluations of such regimes as asset or liability for nation’s development. It reflects on knowledge which though may not be fitting to criteria of labour market having marketable value, but explaining how a child grooms itself as a skilled labour through modes of informal learning.
The aim of various formal and informal institutions is to induce, verbal and nonverbal languages which are vital for future role students as economic and social agent to acquire technical and intellectual skills. Because of differencesin skills, learning, and mode of education, the above processes according to the author face conflict and contestations.
RummanHameed, in her course of discussion on Learning Processes withinUstad-ShagirdRelationship has emphasised the mode of education which may entail informal learning by watching and imitating or learning from instructor. She explains, form of manual dexterity,enablingto imitate craft or calligraphy and later the interpretation and creative departure from the teachers instructions. Perhaps, it’s a workshop where apprentices receive a rather more hands on education than provided in typical school. The importance of work and learning in Ustad –Shagird[viii] relationship being intrinsically related as being emphasised by Hammed in Sadakari[ix], Barhai, Qasaicritically examines such criticalities as the conflict within UstadShagird ideological differences on account of generation gap between the trainer and apprentices and the scope for formal schooling along with carrying UstadShagird relation of acquiring skills.
MareikeWinkelmann,through light on curriculum in Secondary levels girls Madrassacurricula, which can be made more of a blend of theological knowledge as well as scientific. While impacting theological learning, it does teach and has further scope for learning secular subjects, thus helping such girls to enter mainstream education and widen their aspirations.In fact the case of Madrassa’s in West Bengal has demonstrated simultaneous existence of both forms of knowledge, in India(KHOJ for a plural India Programme, Sabrang,2005).
McDugall and Veronique Benei, in their respective chapters talks about how boarding schools though being classified as formal institution of learning, yet departs from usual formal set ups to explain in imparting of skills and moulding of child in different set of institutional values and how different power dynamics along with curricular and extracurricularactivities are performed by students.
Slum dynamics where a girls education is contextualised in Delhi slum, early marriage has two profound effects on young women as argued by MeenakshiThapan in her paper, Cultures of adolescence: Educationally Disadvantaged Young Women in Urban Slum. Lack of schooling questions their empowerment and identities and how on job training, domestic labour, marriage institution add to their adolescence.Elspeth Page and RummanHameed in their respective discussions have also reflected on the aspects of gender differentiation. In the Elspeth Pages paper, various institutional indifferences, resource constrains obstruct educational quality and the perceived notion of a girl child education by parentscast influenceon the enrolments. Girl education continues to take place irrespective of poor quality because it is seen as a potent tool for good marriages. Also RummanHameed, has narrated the whole dynamics in the non-institutional set up of leaning Butchery, Carpentry and Handcrafted jewellery in Old Delhi, where by apprentices are usually male child.
- Different Transition, Different Adulthood:
The set of papers covered under this classification talks about how a heterogeneous society like India value education. How formal, informal education regimes are perceived by across children of diverse identity such as class, caste and gender.
As study of Begusarai Bihar under taken by Anita Rampal, diligently bring the identification of education as a good, bringing a solution to the existing deep rooted economic and social inequality. Also how the local populace conceives the whole notion of being educated bringing themself-esteem, self-identity, dignity and over all development. The perception dynamics is also moulded by local community participation- such as newly literate women acting not only as volunteer of their services but also as a sheer source of motivation.
Perhaps Craig Jeffery et al in their paper reflects how school education has multiplied chances of Dalit men(chamars) to stand confronting upper caste dominance. “it also points to strong local discourses limiting education to social capabilities”,Dreze and Sen 1995; Sen 200b, Jeffery et al, Dalit Young Men and Formal Education[x]. Thus on similar lines Jonathan Parry, reflects relationship between education and adult prospects. Where public sector employment is associated with job security, reduced fertility and other development indicators and also how such parents refrain then their children form informal labour ambiance.
Very interesting and unique migration dynamics is brought under this section by RadhikaChopra in her chapter, Sisters and Brothers: Schooling, Family and Migration. She discusses the marriage market and education market correlation. The paper reflects the dynamism governing much of the international migration in Punjab where women are seen as good a resource as land with a family. Her ethnographic study provided how girl’s education is invested in terms of qualities schooling on one hand and on the other hand girls brother distanced from formal schooling, spends much time on fields. How the girl’s brother migrates towards better prospects in wake of the girl’s marriage,overseas, is what Thappan elaborates.