10/6/08 TNC- As I reread esp. Dan’s additions, I find them all suggestive hypotheses. Rather than quibble, I applaud their specificity. We can now focus on much more precise and informed data analysis. This will keep lots of us busy for some time!
Would just add that Eric R and I also had some more email points, maybe others too? Sam. I don't see them pasted here, but presume Dan largely incorporated them in this draft.
Edited by TNC with MS Word Tracking in Red in my version of tracking.
September 22, 2008
I am sending this rough editing to Dan for quick additions, hopefully, such as the name / file of the schools item he found, and how to write up—Dan can search on his name and find a few questions like this.
Also to Eric R, Sam B, and Francisco as you are reading and commengint, as well as preparing data analysis of these same idea, so you need this ASAP.
This is short and brief, given the complexity of the topic and the amount of work we have already done on it. And most of the propositions are fairly general, compared to chapter 5,which has more specific guides for data analysis. This implies that we can start with what is here, and build on our previous work, esp. the Workshop on Migration which presented some preliminary results. And we can rewrite/ add more specifics as we add results from regressions, etc. Or other memos that we have floating around that bear on these themes.
And we can draw on the Chap 5 analyses which include many of the same dependent variables that we are using for this chapter, then we can discuss the results in the ends of the current drafts of chap 5 or 6 depending on how we choose. What if we tentatively stress Patents and maybe Rent and Jobs in cha 5, then most of the changes in population by age cohort can go here. TNC
Chapter 6 Draft:
Scenes and Neighborhoods: how the way we consume influences where we live.
In Chapter 5, we began to develop and test empirical propositions about the impact of scenes. We argued that scenes are one factor that fosters creative cities, operating in interaction with a number of other factors. In the present chapter, we develop hypotheses about the influence of scenes not directly on innovation but on location decisions and the composition of neighborhoods. That is, we are asking about how the way individuals consume impacts where and with whom they live.
This topic in part flows naturally from much of the literature discussed in chapter 5. To the extent that spatial concentrations of human performance and ingenuity drive success in the creative economy, what attracts individuals to and retains them in a given location becomes increasingly important. If people do not simply follow jobs, but jobs also follow people, then understanding the movements of people is vital.
Our concern with the relationship between scenes and residential relations, however, runs deeper than providing businesses with strategies for attracting “the creative class” to the detriment of everybody else. For the fact that scenes seem to be independent factors in economic development, not reducible to social class or other social background characteristics, leads to the following more general sociological proposition: scenes are becoming increasingly institutionalized as powerful and relatively autonomous components of advanced societies. sources of identity. People’s The sort of consumption relations are distinctly important in addition to their jobs. Consumption and scenes hips persons pursue plays a significant part in defining personal identity, who they are, in addition to their jobs, their political affiliation, their professional and educational interests, their families, and even redefining their ascriptive ties to primordial places and communities. E
If this is true, then scenes are increasingly staking out differentiated arenas of social interaction for persons to cultivate their expressive capacities are similarly important, , and not only their productive, political, or cognitive capacities. Some have even termed this an “expressive revolution” (Parsons).
One powerful index of these changes is their impacts on the degree to which a potential source of identity is becoming institutionalized and internalized is its capacity to affect residential decisions, where people choose to live. and channel the movement of populations. Thus, this chapter turns to the effects of scenes on residential decisions and neighborhood composition to assess in order to understand the impact of scene dynamics, controlling for the other factors identified in past work on extent to which something like an “expressive revolution” is underway (Parsons). residential location. We ask: It asks: how much do scenes affect who lives where; do scenes impact the movements of different sub-groups in different ways; if so, who, how, where, and why? This chapter proposes a set of mechanisms and causal linkages that joins consumption and residence.
Theoretical Background. If scenes affect residential relations, they do not do so in isolation. We can understand their impacts through analogies to and in interaction with the way other major processes of differentiation in modern societies. have been tied to migration and residence. We first outline how the emergence and institutionalization of employee, professional, and political roles have altered individuals’ decisions about where and with whom to live, especially in reference to “traditional” factors like family and primordial communities. We then discuss what it means to add the expressive roles of scenes to this set of factors, before turning to our empirical analysis.
Jobs. The industrial revolution involved was more than factories. It also institutionalized involved the institutionalization of the role of “employee.” This process was closely tied to the differentiation of a separate employee/worker identity from the peasant and craftsman household, in which work, family, consumption, celebration and more were all fused (de Vries, many others). The emergence of labor markets signaled and heightened these changes, loosening ascriptive connection to families and places by encouraging children to move to new regions in search of work. Identities outside of the extended family household arose. Sons and their wives could go off to a different town in search of work and the opportunity to make their own families. Workers might develop solidarities across ethnic and religious lines. These are core themes for Adam Smith and Karl Marx as well as Max Weber, Emile Durkheim and many others. (add many refs)
DThe differentiation of the “employee” role permits substantial is closely linked to changes in residential life. IStated in propositional form, the more strongly work relations are institutionalized, the more strongly employment opportunities predicts migration and and occupation patterns predict residential patterns. That is, if my job were “everything” about who I am, I would move to wherever the best paying job is, regardless of family, friends, or nation; where and how I work would determine where and with whom I live. MOVE ELSWERHERE: To the extent that Marx’s notion of the “means of production” trumping all else is rooted in empirical observation, it may be linked with the fact that in England workers tended to live near factories, rather than in ethnic communities (cites, note how it was different in Chicago).
Politics. Where we live involves more than jobs and economically productive activities. Political affiliations are also significant. Modern democratic revolutions sought to differentiate political relationships from class, religious, and family backgrounds (Tocqueville). The importance of civic identity increased (Habermas 1962), as did government responsiveness to the wishes of citizens.(Terry to add cites). Subjects became citizens (cites). Persons became not simply workers or peasants or “from this village” – they were citoyens as well, as articulated in Rousseau’s conception of the general will. They found common identity in national symbols like flags and songs rather than local folkways (Lie). Subjects became citizens with increasing “rights” linked to the modern welfare state ( TH. Marshall, Michael Mann), .
The institutionalization of citizenship and civic identity was closely linked with newly differentiated residential patterns. The term foreigner came to refer to non-nationals or non-citizens (Torpey 2000, in Lie). Non-citizens found it increasingly difficult to maintain residences in now foreign territories. Not only was there residential sorting between citizens and non-citizens, but as civic life has become more internally differentiated by and responsive to ideological and issue driven disputes about collective goals, residential relations have in turn become increasingly sorted in terms of differences in political ideology ( as elaborated in our chapter 7? Bishop, Chris to add others). Increasingly, as citizen roles become more deeply internalized, residential relations become shaped not only by primordial attachments to a place, ethnicity, occupation, or even national identity, but also by internal differences in political ideology. There are democratic neighborhoods and republican neighborhoods in the U.S., conservative, liberal, and social democratic neighborhoods in Canada (cites). Political affiliations and ideologies are likely significant factors in influencing residential organization. Politics needs to be taken into account as we assess the impact of scenes on residential relations. [not here; separate chapter Chris to add a good box]
Professions. For many social scientists, the industrial and the democratic revolutions encompass what modernization is “all about” (Hobsbawm, others). Talcott Parsons and others (cites) argued that the “educational revolution” in mass tertiary education was just as significant. Parsons based his observation on the explosion of higher education in the United States, arguing that this was one of the primary factors which made the United States, for a time, into the “lead society” of modernity. As much recent research has documented, this trend has diffused globally, even into countries like Great Britain where access to college education had been strongly determined by class. Most past related work stresses the “knowledge economy” ( economists) or “post industrial society”(Bell Touraine), or “human capital” (Becker) which mainly link the contribution of education to production. But distinct from these is education’s impact on citizens and consumers, that is people in all their not directly economic roles. These are hugely important and demand analysis apart from the direct contribution to the economy. Quote some trends about rise of college educated in U.K, Germany, China, Brazil, and more.
The educational revolution involves more than increased knowledge production. , however. More fundamentally, it led to the institutionalization and increasing influence of organizations devoted to the training and maintenance of knowledgeable persons. Amateurs became professionals. Intellectual dilettantes became professors, affiliated with organizations like the American Sociological Association; amateur doctors became certified physicians, certified by the American Medical Association and bound by their codes of ethics and best practices.
Professions are not merely jobs; they are callings (Koehn 1994, Weber, Simmel, Parsons). Professions have ethical codes that are meant to constrain economic considerations. Though there is no guarantee that such codes will be followed, a lawyer or journalist can appeal to professional ethics over and against governmental power or the profit motives of their clients and employers. Professionals apply specialized knowledge that cannot simply be ordered from above. Their associations are collegial rather than bureaucratic. Department chairs rarely issue commands to their colleagues.
Success in the profession may interact with economic concerns when it comes to residential decisions. Rather than move to, say, a small town where her real wages might be higher, a doctor may prefer to move to a place where she can interact with top researchers, go to seminars, and stay true not only to (narrow) economic imperatives but to vocational imperatives. Lawyers may be motivated by the opportunity to participate in fundamental questions of legal authority in addition to market success. Professors may seek professional connections and collaboration over and above dollars. Thus, we would expect professional interests, in addition to employment and political interests, to shape location choices and to interact with scenes in forming new residential compositions. [This section could use some quick refs to empirical studies showing that professional concerns influence migration. Could also add box from Chronicle of Higher Education Forums where many post about hard choices of higher real wages in the middle of nowhere vs. professional advancement—ok good idea for a box, maybe a result of refusing job offers. Some Florida’s Rise of the Creative Class like an editor who refused to leave Greenwich Village but worked on contract for Microsoft; lets look a few for our own like this or similar statistics.].
Traditional Community Elements. The increasing impact of employee, political, and professional roles on residence can be understood as part and parcel with the corresponding revolutionary transformations in social structure – industrial, democratic, and educational -- that have figured prominently in the making of modern societies. However, these have always operated in reference to and interaction with a number of more traditional community elements—such as . These involve the stability and regeneration of communities, as well as primordial ties to place and heritage.
Besides In addition to jobs, professional advancement, and political ideology, more domestic concerns about raising children or caring for elder family members certainly impact where and with whom individuals live. Access to quality primary education, low crime, and clean streets are often cited as important indicators of attractive communities (cites). Living surrounded by others who belong to a collectively held tradition, a mutual understanding of how to live, or some shared ethnic or religious background might also signal an integrated solidary community (Berger). Communitarian critics have claimed that industrialization, urbanization, professionalization, and politicization have threatened such communities (Nisbet, many others). Others have suggested that diversity, not homogeneity, can be a source of community solidarity (Jacobs, Alexander). In any case, it would be surprising if factors like religious and ethnic homogeneity vs. heterogeneity, crime rates, sanitation, place of birth, and school quality did not shape residential patterns. SIf scenes are impact ing location decisions, but their operation in conjunction with these various factors is complex. We analyze several data sets in an effort to capture some of these below. they likely do so in interaction, and perhaps competition, with such considerations.
Scenes. In introducing scenes as new independent factors shaping new neighborhood structures we aresuggest proposing that the expressive sphere constitutes another major arena of social life that is becoming increasingly differentiated and institutionalized in urban spaces. In the the earlymid-19th century, cooks left the aristocratic households and opened restaurants (ref). Sumptuary laws that restricted consumption based on class, religion, and status declined (ref). Cafés were focal points for public discussion and lively interactions, more freewheeling and less determined by class and family background (Habermas). In the 20th century, the share of typical household income devoted to voluntary consumption like restaurants or music rather than basic sustenance and clothing has dramatically increased (Robert FVogel, include one of his tables? Yes or at least summarize bit of it, a note or small box).
Drinking in pubs, going to sipping coffee in cafes, listening to music in concert venues, viewing art in museums and galleries, dancing in nightclubs – these relatively new practices further extended and institutionalized consumption in spaces beyond the household (refs documenting these). It is increasingly difficult to discern a person’s job or place of birth based on what she wears or what his tastes in music or restaurants are –accountants by day; dj’s by night. Locksmiths and lawyers trade dining tips on public television’s successful program Check Please. Chinese and American punk musicians transcend national and ethnic differences and form new cross-cultural solidarities by opening up what they call a “Brave New Scene” (BOX: ON OPENING UP CHINESE PUNK SCENE, HOW MUSIC SCENE CROSSES POLITICAL BORDERS, BUILDS DISTINCT KIND OF SOLIDARITY—this is in BA by John Thompson that we can put a little bit of in a box). Spaces of sociable consumption become increasingly freed to unfold under their own expressive logics driven by common sentiment and affect, much like market relations, professional relations, and political relations which have their own logics, all operating in interactions with and constrained by one another. Who I am on the scene – what sorts of restaurants, music clubs, movies, cafes, sports, etc. I attend and affirm – is becoming another significant part of who I am.
Thus, scenes likely impact residential decisions of individuals and are shifting residentialtransforming residential relations in neighborhoods. Living near a scene and surrounded by individuals who participate in similar scenes may rival considerations about jobs, family, profession, schools, and so on. Do I move to a place with good jobs, but no scene?; other lawyers or engineers, but no scene?; other democrats/republicans, but no scene?; my family or more generally safe and secure bedroom communities, but no scene? That these are even questions to which “no” might be the answer shows that scenes may well both shape where people live and also redefine the bonds that hold communities together.