EARLY YEARS FRAMEWORK – EVIDENCE BRIEFING

CONTENTS

EARLY YEARS FRAMEWORK – EVIDENCE BRIEFING – INTRODUCTION2

Building parenting and family capacity 5

CREATING COMMUNITIES THAT PROVIDE A SUPPORTIVE ENVIRONMENT FOR CHILDREN AND FAMILIES 21

DELIVERING INTEGRATED SERVICES THAT MEET THE HOLISTIC NEEDS OF CHILDREN AND FAMILIES 37

DEVELOPING A SUITABLE WORKFORCE TO SUPPORT THE STRATEGY65

EARLY YEARS FRAMEWORK – EVIDENCE BRIEFING

INTRODUCTION

1.1This paper introduces the four thematic briefing papers provided for the Early Years Framework task groups. This introduction paper does not attempt to draw together the findings across the thematic papers rather it is intended to provide some considerations to bear in mind when interpreting the evidence.

1.2The thematic papers draw together much of the seminal evidence and information in a way that should allow the task groups to progress their thinking on an evidential basis The papers have been produced on a thematic basis based upon the work of the task groups;

  • Parenting
  • Services
  • Community
  • Workforce

1.3However, the integrated nature of much of the task groups’ work and the related evidence means that each paper will contain some evidence applicable to all four task groups, therefore it will be important for members to look more broadly than their own theme. Where possible each paper also attempts to signpost areas of relevance in other papers.

1.4The papers have been brought together by Scottish Government analysts and should provide a solid evidential foundation for the task groups but should be read within the following context.

Evidence Context

2.1The papers are intended as a starting point for the work and discussion of the task groups. They have been produced in a compressed timescale and are unlikely to be fully comprehensive. The analysts have attempted to include the seminal papers on each subject and also to quality assure the evidence as it has been incorporated although this may not always have been possible within the time constraints.

Evidence Gaps

2.2In writing the papers it became apparent that there are evidence gaps in a number of areas. In reading the papers it would be helpful to recognise that these gaps could appear for one of two reasons. Either, the gap exists in the paper because the time constraints meant that the evidence was overlooked or unable to be incorporated. Alternatively, the gap may exist because there genuinely may be an evidence gap on the subject. i.e. no research has been undertaken on the subject, and the authors have attempted to highlight where this is the case.

2.3Where the gap exists due to time constraints, it may be possible that there is scope to explore the area further as the work of the groups progress.

Costs and Outcomes in Children’s Social Services

2.4In the many areas, there are often technical problems with measuring [costs and] outcomes and this can be reflected in the quality of research. Research published in 2007[1] by the then Department for Education and Skills covers this issue specifically in relation to children’s services and the following bullets attempt to capture the main findings:

  • Attribution

Children, particularly younger children, are in receipt of so many different services simultaneously, formal and informal, that it is often impossible to attribute which services have contributed to the outcome.

  • Counterfactual

For moral and ethical reasons that prevent the use of control groups and other comparison methods, it is often impossible to tell what would have happened in the absence of a service or intervention. i.e. the outcome may have been achieved in the absence of any intervention.

  • Personal Judgements

Outcomes for children’s services tend to relate to subjective rather than objective measures that, by definition, are subject to personal judgements that may vary between professionals and also between professionals and service recipients.

  • Preventative Services

It is particularly difficult to establish outcomes derived from preventative services because it is impossible to establish something that didn’t happen.

These issues are extremely complex to overcome but should be borne in mind.

Integration and Cost Effectiveness

2.5It is quite common for the papers to cite evidence supporting the case for integrated services, particularly the paper on integrated services itself. However, the integrated services paper also highlights evidence that there is a lack of robust evidence demonstrating positive outcomes for children from integration.

2.6A secondary consideration in this area is that evidence on the benefits of integration tends to focus on relatively small scale targeted interventions where integration may be more feasible. Integration can be costly to implement and is far from a panacea. Given the unproven links to outcomes and problems of attribution highlighted previously, integration can potentially lead to services that are not cost effective.

i.e. Even where an integrated service is delivering good outcomes, it is often extremely difficult to establish which components are working and which aren’t. Where this situation exists it is impossible to identify, and therefore withdraw, failing or nonessential services so there is a tendency towards overprovision which is costly and inefficient.

2.7It will also be worth acknowledging that there may be increasing marginal costs for integration such that large scale integration, such as that required for universal provision, actually ceases to be cost effective.

Transferability of Findings

2.8Where possible, the papers reflect Scottish evidence but in many cases such evidence does not exist so the hierarchy becomes Scottish evidence, UK evidence and finally evidence from elsewhere. Regardless of source of the evidence, whether the findings are universally applicable remains something of a leap of faith. For example, it may be questionable whether robust findings from the US or Scandinavia are applicable in a Scottish setting. Equally, robust Scottish evidence may not be valid across geographic or socio-economic boundaries. i.e. findings from the central belt may not be appropriate in the islands and equally national evidence may not be suitable for minority groups.

Summary

3.1This introduction is not intended to detract from the evidence contained within the four thematic papers that follow. There is a broad evidence base to support the development of the Early Years Framework and that should not be ignored. However, for varying reasons the evidence does not provide all the answers nor even touch upon all of the pertinent questions and task group members would be encouraged to bear some of these considerations in mind when deliberating over the evidence.

Early Years Framework – EVIDENCE BRIEFING

Building parenting and family capacity

Introduction

This paper provides a review of the evidence base relating to parenting and family capacity covering the importance of parental behaviour on children’s outcomes, both prior to birth and afterwards, risk factors for children and young people,effective parenting and effective interventions to support parental and family development. The paper has been divided into the three sections:

  • The Importance of Parenting
  • Identifying Children and Young People at Risk throughout the life-cycle
  • Effective Parenting Interventions amongst potential high risk groups.

Key Findings
  • Parenting has a critical impact on children’s emotional, behavioural and educational development, and their health and wellbeing.
  • Warm, authoritative and responsive parenting has been found to be crucial for positive outcomes and in building resilience to adversity in children.
  • Parenting can be important in preventing negative outcomes for children in a range of areas including delinquency, crime and anti-social behaviour. However, predicting outcomes is very difficult as not all children exhibiting multiple risk factors go on to demonstrate negative behaviour.
  • There is no clear cut causal link between poverty and quality of parenting and effective parenting can counteract the adversities children face growing up in poverty.
  • High risk behaviour during pregnancy such as substance misuse, domestic abuse, smoking as well as diet and maternal nutrition impact on a child’s subsequent health and development outcomes. There is also a strong link between antenatal anxiety and children’s behavioural problems.
  • Breast feeding is known to confer multiple benefits to both mother and child but the UK(including Scotland) has one of the lowest rates of breastfeeding worldwide particularly among disadvantaged families.
  • Multi-faceted interventions appear to be most effective in supporting breastfeeding especially if they span the ante and postnatal period and draw on repeated contacts with professionals and or peer educators.
  • Effectively engaging parents is the first step in addressing problems yet parents most in need of family support services are often the least likely to access them.
  • A combination of both targeted and universal interventions/programmes, resulting in a continuum of support is likely to be most effective and cost effective in supporting parents.
  • Minimum levels of intervention and voluntary rather than compulsory approaches are generally favoured.
  • There are many parenting interventions/ programmes operating in different countries that have been found to be effective in improving outcomes for children later in life. These include intensive home visiting programmes, parent training/parenting skills programmes, cognitive/knowledge development programmes and programmes to tackle mental health amongst parents.
  • Care should be taken in assuming that these interventions will have the same outcomes in Scotland where a different set of social circumstances prevail.
  • The effects of programmes are not universal and the most disadvantaged families are least likely to benefit as they are least likely to become or remain engaged.

The Importance of Parenting

1.1 There is no doubt that childhood experiences lay the foundations for later life. Parenting has a critical impact on children’s emotional, behavioural and educational development, and their health and wellbeing. Approaches to parenting can be key in ensuring positive outcomes for children as well as preventing a range of problems in young people[2]. Moreover, research has shown that open, flexible, interactive, communicative approaches to parenting will enable children to do well, regardless of mitigating circumstances such as poverty or deprivation.

1.2 A recent review of research evidence[3] demonstrates that the quality of parent-child relationships is significantly associated with:

  • Learning skills and educational achievement
  • Social competence and peer relationships
  • Children’s views of themselves and sense of self-worth
  • Aggressive ‘externalising’ behaviour and delinquency
  • Depression, anxiety and other ‘internalising’ problems
  • High risk health behaviours (such as smoking, substance use, risky sexual behaviour, obesity)

Risk Factors and Resilience

1.3 Poor parental supervision, harsh and inconsistent discipline, parental conflicts and rejection, disrupted homes and parental separation and criminality in the family have been shown to be important predictors of behavioural and emotional problems including delinquency, offending, poor school attainment and relationships with peers[4]. Family structure seems less important than factors such as parenting style, family controls, relationships and activities. There is a strong association between delinquency and lower levels of parental supervision in managing day-to-day routines, friendships, use of money, bedtime, and behaviour[5].

1.4 Many studies have noted that problem behaviour often starts at an early age with a combination of temperamentally difficult toddlers and inexperienced or vulnerable parents, which can lead to a downward spiral toward early onset of problem behaviour where poor monitoring and discipline can inadvertently reinforce pre-school childhood difficulties[6].

1.5 Early criminal or anti social behaviour can be an indicator of more serious, violent and persistent offending later and this underlines the importance of parenting, family and school factors[7].

1.6 Three major risk factors associated with antisocial behaviour can become observable during primary school years including persistent physically aggressive behaviour, fighting and bullying[8], poor academic achievement and academic failure[9]and low commitment to school. Limitations in pro-social skills mean vulnerable children often do not mix well, are unpopular, withdrawn, isolated and rejected by other children. This, in turn, can result in their leaning towards the company of similarly isolated and potentially antisocial peers.

1.7 However, it is not possible to predict which vulnerable children will go on to demonstrate problems. Not all children and young people exposed to multiple risk factors become offenders. The majority of subjects demonstrating key risk factors do not go on to demonstrate aberrant characteristics.

Resilience/ Overcoming risk/ Protective Factors

1.8 Research has indicated that there are important factors in a child’s life that can protect them against risk. Resilience has been defined in the literature as resulting from an individual constellation of characteristics and capabilities or personal processes that mitigate the impact of biological, psychological and social factors that threaten a child’s health[10].

1.9 Rutter et al[11] identify eight “protective mechanisms” that promote favoured outcomes (for example, reducing the potential for risk factors to impact on a child, reducing negative chain reactions so that family strife does not lead to family breakdown, promoting self efficacy and self esteem etc). The most important influences in a child’s life in developing resilience are concluded to be members of extended families, informal networks and positive peer association.

1.10 Warm, authoritative and responsive parenting has been found to be crucial in building resilience. Parents who develop open, participative communication, problem-centred coping and flexibility tend to manage stress well and help their families to do the same. Schools and community factors can also play a central role in promoting resilience. Additionally, differences in child temperament, among other things demonstrate that flexible, adaptable parenting is more likely to be effective than a “one size fits all” approach[12].

1.11 The research on risk factors therefore emphasises the need to balance knowledge about all the influences in a child’s life and account for individual circumstances.

Child Poverty

1.12 One major issue impacting on quality of the childhood experience is that of child poverty. Child poverty has fallen markedly over the past decade, but 210,000 children in Scotland still live below the poverty threshold (21% of all children).Thirteen per cent of children in Scotland live in combined low income and material deprivation[13].

1.13 Lone parents are more likely to be unemployed or economically inactive than parents in general. In Scotland, 43.5% of lone parents are unemployed or economically inactive compared with 20.2% of parents in general[14].

1.14 Children who grow up in poor households are more likely to have low self-esteem, play truant, leave home earlier, leave school earlier and with fewer qualifications, and be economically inactive as adults[15]. Consequently, children born into poor families are more likely to be poor adults[16].

1.15 Although children are less likely to be in poverty if they live with a working adult (just 13 % of children in working households are in poverty), just over half of all children living in poverty live in working households[17]. Work can fail to lift families out of poverty if that work is low paid, part-time or temporary.

1.16 Children who experience poverty may lack many of the experiences and opportunities that others take for granted and can be exposed to severe hardship, deprivation and the negative effects of inequality and exclusion. Growing up in poverty can damage physical, cognitive, social and emotional development which are determinants of outcomes in adult life.

1.17 Experiencing poverty can impact on a child’s educational opportunities. Poor children tend to have lower educational attainment and poorer health. These reduce productivity within the population which in turn reduces economic growth and limits the UK’s ability to compete globally.

1.18 However, there is no clear cut causal link between poverty and quality of parenting. It is likely that different individuals respond in different ways to financial hardship. Factors such as family structure, neighbourhood and social support interact with parents’ temperaments, beliefs and their own experiences of parenting[18].

1.19 There is evidence to indicate that good parenting can mitigate the disadvantages of growing up in a low income household or deprived neighbourhood[19]. Many parents living in poverty possess adequate parenting capacity and manage to deal effectively with adversity. The evidence that lifting families out of poverty improves outcomes for children is not particularly strong and the belief that tackling material deprivation through welfare to work, benefit increases or other programmes will inevitably lead to improved parenting is not well supported. Parents living in poverty should not therefore be treated as a distinct group simply because they are materially disadvantaged[20].

1.20 However, poverty can contribute to parental stress, depression and ability leading to disrupted parenting and it is this rather than poverty alone that may result in poorer long-term outcomes for children[21]. State support can therefore play a crucial role in helping families overcome these problems. The governments of the UK are committed to ending child poverty and have introduced many measures to tackle the problem.

Identifying Children and Young People at Risk Throughout the Life Cycle

Identifying risk before birth

2.1 Maternal and parental behaviour during pregnancy is known to impact on a child’s outcomes. High risk behaviour such as substance misuse, domestic abuse, smoking as well as diet and maternal nutrition impact on a child’s subsequent health and development outcomes. There is also a strong link between antenatal anxiety and maternal depression, and poor outcomes for children including development, parental bonding and behavioural problems[22].

2.1 The most promising services for pregnant women are therefore those offering high-quality social support alongside antenatal medical care.

2.3 Data from survey and other sources usefully demonstrates characteristics of the Scottish population and reveals some differences according to levels of deprivation and age.

Maternal health during pregnancy