Illness and Death Experiences in Northwestern Tanzania

ILLNESS AND DEATH EXPERIENCES IN NORTHWESTERN TANZANIA:

AN INVESTIGATION OF DISCOURSES, PRACTICES, BELIEFS, AND

SOCIAL OUTCOMES, ESPECIALLY RELATED TO WITCHCRAFT,

USED IN A CRITICAL CONTEXTUALIZATION

AND EDUCATION PROCESS WITH

PENTECOSTAL MINISTERS

by

Steven Dale Horsager Rasmussen

B.A., Bethel College, 1985

M.Div., Bethel Seminary, 1992

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to the faculty

in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

in Intercultural Studies

at Trinity International University

Deerfield, Illinois

August 2008 (slightly revised February 2009)

Accepted:

______

Dissertation Director

______

Second Reader

______

Third Reader

______

Program Director

ABSTRACT

This research (1) secured detailed information on discourses and practices during selected episodes involving illness and/or death in Northwestern Tanzania with particular attention to the beliefs involved, and to the social outcomes of these practices and (2) used this material as the basis for a carefully documented critical contextualization and education process in which ministers inductively grappled with the theological and pastoral issues which these cases represent.

Most Northwestern Tanzanians believe “witches” cause most serious illnesses and deaths. Along with its explanatory power, witchcraft brings negative feelings like fear and negative social outcomes ranging from distrust and destroyed relationships to banishment, beatings, and death.

“Witches” may use spirits. Spirits such as ancestors, majini (genies or jinn), or demons may themselves cause illness or death or remove their protection. They do this because the afflicted person has broken their taboo, or they want to motivate toward a particular action. People who are not witches can also cause illness through the invisible means of poison/dawa, bad luck or curses.

Northwestern Tanzanians usually understand these interpersonal causal ontologies as primary; moral and biomedical causal ontologies as secondary:

·  “Your failure allowed her to make you sick:” The ill person sinned, broke a taboo, or offended someone. As a result an ancestor, spirit, or God caused his/her illness or removed his/her spiritual protection so that a “witch” or spirit could cause the illness.

·  “She used it:” An object or accident may be the means, but ultimately someone is responsible. Someone may ask, “Who sent the mosquito with the malaria parasite and prevented treatment from being effective so that my child died?”

Northwestern Tanzanians choose, mix, and argue from three primary options to explain, treat, and evaluate illness and death: Local/neo-traditional, biomedical, and Christian. The local/neo-traditional explanation and treatment system focuses on relationships with “witches” (present, visible, evil people) using invisible witchcraft, and also present, invisible spirits. The biomedical system focuses on visible, physical objects such as parasites, viruses, and medicines as causal agents using a mechanical analogy. The Pentecostal Christian system says that demons, witchcraft, sin, God’s will, and/or biomedical objects can cause illnesses and deaths, but focuses on Jesus as powerfully present to heal and protect his followers. It identifies all spirits as demons, whether called ancestors, majini or other. Pentecostal ministers cast out these demons with the authority of Jesus, rather than negotiate with them for peace, health, wealth, or divination powers.

Sometimes, fearless trust in Jesus allows Pentecostals to restore relationships broken by witchcraft suspicion. Sometimes, fear causes them to passively follow the community in suspecting and even shunning a neighbor. When a suspected witch joins the church, church members’ opinions remain divided (“Is she fully converted or still dangerous?”).

I conducted a critical contextualization and education process with four classes of Pentecostal ministers and two church groups. Students brought interviews. Lively, open discussion primarily described the issues in the context, especially issues related to witchcraft.

As students sought a Christian response to illness, death, and witchcraft, areas of agreement and disagreement emerged. We all agreed that sin, physical entities like parasites, and spiritual beings like demons cause illness and death. We all agreed that Jesus is most powerful and does heal. Students disagreed among themselves about whether witchcraft or something else caused particular cases, whether pastors should ever use local medicines, and whether local healers divine accurately and treat effectively. Students all believed that witches cause illness and death while I remained skeptical. We all approached Scripture using our experiences and worldview, but learned from each other.

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I dedicate this to my heroes/teachers/friends who strive to live like Jesus in their context

including my family, especially my parents, Virgil and Ruth Rasmussen,

and Pentecostal Ministers in Northwestern Tanzania,

especially John and Elizabeth Mwanzalima

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CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xii

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xiv

Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION 1

Research Concern 2

Research Problem 2

Sub-Research Questions: 2

Significance of the Study 4

Significant Suffering 5

Insufficient Response 5

Limitations 9

2. PRECEDENT LITERATURE 13

Location and Participants 13

Northwestern Tanzania 13

Sukumaland 16

Pentecostal Ministers 19

Relationship of Experiences, Discourse, Practices, and Beliefs 22

Beliefs: Causes and Cures of Suffering 25

Social Outcomes 28

Contextualization Theory 31

Historical Sketch of Contextualization 31

Development of Contextualization Theory 35

Critical Contextualization 43

Spiritual Warfare 45

Debate in Missiology 45

Discussion in Africa 48

Suffering and Witchcraft 53

A Theology of Suffering and Misfortune for East Africa 53

Anthropological Descriptions of Witchcraft 58

Recent Missiological Responses to Witchcraft 61

3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 66

Data Collection 66

Theoretical Base for this Data Collection 67

Historical Development of the Data Collection 69

Data Analysis 73

4. INTRODUCTION TO THE FIELD OF ANALYSIS 76

Pentecostal Churches in Tanzania 76

Biomedical Setting 83

5. SYNCHRONIC EXPLANATION OF NORTHWESTERN TANZANIANS RESPONSES TO ILLNESS AND DEATH 87

Label a Misfortune 88

Choose an Explanation System 89

God 94

Caused by the Sick Person 94

“Natural” Causes 101

Caused by Someone in Relationship with the Afflicted Person 107

Witchcraft/Sorcery (Uchawi) 117

Feelings 133

Values 140

Choose a Treatment 151

Healing through Prayer 156

Prayer 158

Perseverance 158

Charms 159

Calming and Casting out Spirits 159

Rules (Masharti) 171

Evaluate 171

Funeral 172

Evaluation of Other Systems 172

Contested Cause 173

Conversion 179

Social System 190

Actors 190

Actions in the Social System 226

6. STORIES OF MINISTERS HANDLING ILLNESS AND DEATH, ESPECIALLY ISSUES OF WITCHCRAFT, FOCUSED ON SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES 241

Some Life Experiences of a Pentecostal Leader 241

A Pastor’s Response to the Banishing of Four Witches in a Geita Village 248

Banishing Suspected Witches and Burning Houses 248

Suspected Witches’ Relationships with the Local Church 251

Pastor’s Neighbor and Church Member - “Kabula” 253

Analysis 259

Hangaza Experiences 264

Pastor Accused of Bewitching the Former Pastor 265

Protecting a Suspected Witch 268

7. CRITICAL CONTEXTUALIZATION PROCESS 270

Description of the Process 270

Overview of the Discussions 270

Selections from the Mwanza Discussion 272

Characteristics of a Christian Response 276

Christian Response to Witchcraft 277

Christian Response to Suffering 280

Areas of Agreement and Disagreement 281

Areas of Disagreement between Students 282

Areas of Disagreement between Students and Me 286

Sources of Authority 287

Use of Scripture 289

Evidence of Influence from Education, Ethnicity, Age, Gender, Denomination, or Location 291

Evaluation of the Critical Contextualization Process 294

Students’ Evaluations 294

Other’s Evaluations 297

My Evaluation 299

An Action Outcome 306

Possible Corrections 308

8. CONCLUSION 310

Summary of Findings 310

Research Problem 310

Sub-Research Questions: 310

Research Design 319

Evaluation 319

Recommended Changes 321

Recommendations for Further Research on the Topic 322

Implications and Recommendations for Action 327

Closing Comments 329

Appendix

A. INTERVIEW GUIDE IN ENGLISH 336

B. SYLLABUS FOR KIGOMA MAY 2007 341

REFERENCE LIST 346

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am grateful to all those who encouraged and supported this research and writing process: Tanzanians welcomed, encouraged us and allowed us to learn, teach, lead, struggle, and research with them. John Mwanzalima especially gave encouragement, insight, and help in ministry and research. I also thank many other teachers/friends who encouraged and gave insight. Chester Wood’s Biblical Theology of Justice first introduced questions and contextualized understandings of scripture from the majority world. He continues to advise. Paul Hiebert’s life and thought shaped my perspective. He participated in my dissertation committee. He answered my emails and demonstrated a trust-filled, Christian response to his own illness and approaching death. The other members of my committee (Robert Priest, Jim Plueddemann, and Tite Tienou) shared not only their education and experience, but their friendship. Supporters of Training East African Ministers (especially our sending church, Bethel Christian Fellowship) encouraged us to combine other ministry with studying, research and writing. They gave and prayed to make it possible. I am grateful to my wife, Janice, and children, Hannah, Justin, Rachel, and Isaac for managing the rest of life while I took time for this. I am grateful to my parents, brothers, sisters and in-laws for their encouragement and example. In their 59 years as Pentecostal pastors, my parents have demonstrated listening to people in their context and responding Biblically. They have also trusted God through life including health challenges. Thanks to those who proof-read all of this manuscript and gave suggestions including Janice, LeAnn Nelson, Ruth Rasmussen and John Mwanzalima, in addition to the many those who answered my questions, listened to my stories and read sections of this manuscript.

list of abbreviations

AIC African Independent Churches

AICT African Inland Church Tanzania

ATR African Traditional Religions

EAGT Evangelical Assemblies of God Tanzania

LVCC Lake Victoria Christian College

LTCC Lake Tanganyika Christian College

PAG Pentecostal Assemblies of God

PEFA Pentecostal Evangelistic Fellowship of Africa

SDA Seventh Day Adventist

TAG Tanzania Assemblies of God

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction

The Christian church in Africa has grown rapidly in the past century yet some claim it is a like a river which is a mile-wide, but only an inch deep. They point to continued dependence upon local healers even by many Christians, violence in countries that now have a majority of Christians like Rwanda or Kenya, or syncretistic practices among various churches. One response to this been a call to increased training for Christians and especially ministers, but what kind of training should this be? Simply importing or translating more of the best curriculum, texts, and teachers from Western Christianity? Some respond that imported theological education does not scratch where African people itch (Kato 1985, 182). What itches in the context should Christianity and therefore ministers training learn to respond to?

The rapid growth of Pentecostalism raises questions. Do African Pentecostals scratch where local people itch? Is that a reason that they are growing rapidly in numbers? Do they preach properly contextualized good news or a syncretistic mix which is no longer the Biblical good news? What kind of training could help Pentecostal ministers bring good news that is appropriate to the context and faithful to the Bible? This research attempts to answer some of these questions in one area of Africa related to one area of belief and practice.

Research Concern

People in Northwestern Tanzania experience and respond to significant levels of suffering, including frequent illness and early death. They use beliefs and practices developed from local traditions as well as from more recent and distant influences (e.g., other African and Western countries, biomedical, Muslim, and Christian). Pentecostal ministers use the good news of Jesus to respond to this suffering. For example, they report many healings, but most have also buried one of their own children. This applied, ethnographic, action research aims to understand how ministers in Northwestern Tanzania respond to illness and death, and to explore a method to help them more effectively contextualize the good news of Jesus to these issues.

Research Problem

This research (1) secured detailed information on discourses and practices during selected episodes involving illness and/or death in Northwestern Tanzania with particular attention to the beliefs involved, and to the social outcomes of these practices and (2) used this material as the basis for a carefully documented critical contextualization and education process in which ministers inductively grappled with the theological and pastoral issues which these cases represent.

Sub-Research Questions:

1. What do ministers and others in Northwestern Tanzania do and say when someone becomes ill or dies?
2. What beliefs are reflected in these discourses and practices?

2.1.  How do people define a misfortune, choose an explanation system, diagnose, apply a remedy, and evaluate the process after success or failure of the remedy?

2.2.  How are various interpersonal, moral, and biomedical causal ontologies used? How are relationships with visible and invisible beings (relatives, neighbors, ancestors, spirits, witches, God) and objects (germs, parasites, cells, poison, and powers) understood to relate to illness and death?

2.3.  How are beliefs related to values and morals in these discourses and practices?

2.4.  How are beliefs related to feelings in these discourses and practices?

2.5.  How are beliefs changed through experiences of suffering (e.g. conversion, reversion, or spiritual growth)? How is suffering experienced differently as a result of various beliefs?

1. What social outcomes result from these practices and discourse?

3.1.  How do various communities (families, neighborhoods, and religious communities like churches) respond to illness and death?

3.2.  How do people treat those people who may be suspected of causing illness or death (especially through means such as witchcraft or curses)?

1. What happens during a formal inductive process of critical contextualization?

4.1.  What areas of agreement and disagreement emerge in the discourse?

4.2.  What characteristics of a Christian response are mentioned?

4.3.  Is there any evidence of influence from educational level, ethnicity, age, gender, denomination, or location (rural/urban)?

4.4.  What sources of authority are appealed to? How is Scripture used?

4.5.  What evidences of change occur during the process?

4.6.  How do ministers evaluate the process after it is completed?

Significance of the Study

All peoples experience suffering, illness, and death. All cultures and religions strive to understand and respond to these experiences, but they do so differently or with different emphases.

To talk of suffering is to talk not of an academic problem but of the sheer bloody agonies of existence, of which all men are aware and most have direct experience. All religions take account of this; some, indeed, make it the basis of all they have to say. . . . Thus what a religion has to say about suffering reveals in many ways, more than anything else, what it believes the nature and purpose of existence to be. . . . There are few better ways of coming to understand the religions of the world than by studying what response they make to the common experience of suffering. (Bowker 1970, 2)