ALBANIAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
ALBANIA - A WEAK DEMOCRACY A WEAK STATE
-Report on the State of Democracy in Albania-
Prepared by: Blendi Kajsiu, Aldo Bumçi, Albert Rakipi.
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ALBANIAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
Rr“ Deshmoret e 4 Shkurtit", Nr. 7/1. Tirana, Albania
Tel/Fax : +355 42 488 53 Fax +355 4 270337
Web site
TABLE OF CONTENTS
About the Authors …………………………………………………………………… 3
Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………… 4
Executive Summary………………………………………………………………….. 5
Recommendations……………………………………………………………………. 7
The Aftermath of 2001 Parliamentary Elections…………………………………… 9
Communist Legacy……………………………………………………………………13
Weak State; Weak Institutions……………………………………………………… 15
Institutional Building………………………………………………………………… 17
A Contested Democracy ……………………………………………………………. 20
Lack of Legitimacy …………………………………………………………………. 22
International Community …………………………………………………………. 24
Recommendations ………………………………………………………………….. 26
Annex I : Civil Society and Media ………………………………………………… 29
Annex II: The Myth of Greater Albania …………………………………………… 31
Annex III : The Albanian Transition Economy …………………………………... 33
Annex IV : Corruption and Organized Crime …………………………………….. 37
Annex V: Voter Turnout and Election Results …………………………………….41
About the Authors
Albert Rakipi Ph.D. is Director of the Albanian Institute for International Studies. Previously he has been working in the Albanian Foreign Service.. He also teaches as part-time professor at the Tirana University, Faculty of History and Philology. His Ph.D. thesis is “Albania’s Search for Security” (Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey). His previous publications include "Diplomacy for Tomorrow" Tirana 1999, and among other essays : “Weak states – new dynamic of Security “ Journal of International Studies 1999, EU enlargement is ultimately EU deepening” Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes Bulletin III 2000, "The Marshall Plan and Stability Pact a comparative approach” Tirane 2000, "The new return of Macedonian Question “ Tirana 2001, "The weak States a view from within " PFP Consortium & National Academy of Vienna, 2002
Aldo Bumci, MA is researcher at the Albanian Institute for International Studies. He also teaches as part-time professor at the Tirana University, Faculty of Social Sciences. He holds an MA in International Relations from Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey. His other publications include, “Macedonia and the Albanians: The confines of Ethnic Politics.”
Blendi Kajsiu, MA is researcher at the Albanian Institute for International Studies. He holds an MA in International Peace Studies from the Notre Dame University, Indiana, USA. He double Majored in Applied Economics and Political Science from the American University in Bulgaria He also teaches as part-time professor at the Tirana University, Faculty of Social Sciences.
Acknowledgments
The Albanian Institute for International Studies is grateful to National Endowment for Democracy (NED), USA, that made this report possible through its financial support. Special thanks go to Selami Xhepa for his contribution on the Albanian Transition Economy. The comments and insights provided by Aleksandër Dhima, Afrim Krasniqi, Andi Bejtja, Andrea Stefani, Artan Hoxha, Besnik Mustafaj, Çerçiz Loloçi, Genc Ruli, Henri Cili, Ilir Rusmajli, Ilir Yzeiri, Kastriot Islami, Kreshnik Spahiu, Kristaq Kume, Lutfi Dervishi, Mustafa Nano, Mentor Nazarko, Pirro Misha, Remzi Lani, Ylli Cabiri, also proved very valuable
Lastly, but not last we would like to thank the Center for Liberal Studies in Sofia for their initiative and fruitful cooperation and support.
Executive Summary
So far Albanian democracy has been understood through a transition paradigm. This understanding has been helpful in many ways. At least in its initial phases Albanian democracy could not be analyzed away from the multiple transitions Albania was going through. First of all the country opened up to the world after being the most isolated society in Europe. Secondly, there was a transition from a centrally planned to a market economy, a process that is still taking place. Thirdly, there was a movement from a totalitarian, communist regime to a democratic system. The handicaps of the fragile Albanian democracy were, and to large extent still are, attributed to the multiple challenges the country was being faced with simultaneously.
While transition paradigm is valid in explaining many of the current developments of the Albanian democracy, it is important to realize that some of the most serious handicaps of the Albanian democratic system can no longer be explained through a transition perspective. These problems are becoming ingrained in the system through repetition, creating norms and traditions that are to persist in the near and medium future.
This is best illustrated by the history of the Albanian parliamentary elections during the last decade. With the exception of the 1992 parliamentary elections, that brought about a change in regimes and not simply governments, all the other parliamentary elections have been contested by the losing party. This phenomenon is disturbing since the irregularities have not simply been of a technical nature but have stemmed from a lack of political will to conduct free and fair elections. Therefore a political culture is being developed in which manipulation of the elections has become the norm, and as such the unwritten law of the Albanian electoral system. Under these circumstances it can no longer be claimed that election fraud is a transition phenomenon since now it has created a tradition of its own that is likely to continue, in one way or another, in the future.
Fraudulent elections have meant legitimacy crises for most Albanian governments during the last decade. The only government that did not suffer from a legitimacy crises due to fraudulent elections was that of 1992. Yet even in this case a legitimacy challenge became pertinent due to other more structural handicaps that have beset democratic governance in Albania, regardless of the political party in power.
A legitimacy crises has further weakened fledgling institutions, resulting in a vicious circle in which one reinforces the other. However, it is the institutional building process that has sustained institutional weakness in Albania and further undermined legitimacy. Elections bring about a change in state and not only in government since every political party that comes to power fills the state institutions, such as the judiciary, customs, secret services, the army, and so on with its own people. This in turn undermines both the legitimacy and the efficiency of the institutions. Institutions have not been built around a wide political consensus that would have endowed them with much needed stability and continuity.
The identification of the state with the political party in power is a prevailing phenomena in the Albanian political scene. This seems to be one of the lingering communist legacies that Albania has not been able to overcome. One of the unfortunate consequences of the party – state phenomena has been the collapse of the state along with that of the political party in power. Therefore, the constant re-making of the state has been the main factor of state weakness and instability.
Besides the above-mentioned political factors a dysfunctional economy that was inherited from communism and mismanaged during the past decade has been a deteriorating factor in the state and institution building processes. Albania continues to be one of the most underdeveloped economies in the region and the state is unable to provide even basic services to its citizens on a continual basis, such as water supply and electricity. Unemployment is rampant and the gray economy very large.
Given the current state of the Albanian economy and the absence of properly functioning market institutions and employment opportunities the state has become the main source of income for a significant part of the population. Privatization, customs, auctions and jobs in the public administration provide substantial income for those who control the state. This is part of the reason why the political parties once in power tend to assert their ownership of the state and deliver it bit by bit to their followers as if it were a piece of property. Thus, economic situation has stiffenedthe competition for power and polarized the political scene, the choice becomes either all (the state) or nothing.
The fierce struggle of political parties for the control of the state and its institutions combined with the way in which the state institutions have become subordinated to and used by political parties has bred a general popular apathy. Apathy, as demonstrated by the shrinking numbers of those that go to the ballot boxes, has grown as a result of the general disappointment of the population with the political elite from both sides. In a prolonged situation of political and economic crises a large part of the population does not see any solutions in the present political establishment.
Apathy has also feed upon the fact that large numbers of Albanians have emigrated. The impact of emigration has been twofold. On the one hand it has had a positive impact in reducing social tensions and providing a much needed source of income. On the other hand emigration opportunities have bred apathy since a significant portion of the population seeks its future abroad and is reluctant to participate in domestic politics. At the same time remittances are an important source of income. In this ways a large segment of the population have lower stakes than they otherwise would in the domestic developments, be they political or economic. Combined with the general distaste regarding political developments this has produced and sustained even more apathy. In these circumstances there is a growing gap between the political debate and the popular needs and in the absence of organized forms of public pressure the political debates continue to grow away from the everyday concerns of the Albanian citizen.
In a general setting of polarized and confrontational political climate international community has continued to gain importance. In its initial phases of involvement in the Albanian political scene international community was more of a mediating party, whereas nowadays, and especially after the 1997 crises, its role has increasingly become that of an arbitrator. The latter function of the international community has been recognized and embraced by all the political parties in the country, especially as they seem increasingly unable to find common ground and to accept each other.
Given the above mentioned handicaps of the Albanian democracy, such as contested elections, weak institutions, poverty, and the resulting legitimacy crises, international community has become as important and at times an even more important source of legitimacy than the electorate itself. Thus, after the contested parliamentary elections of 2001 the opposition leaders (Coalition for Victory) toured the most important European capitals and international institutions in order to prove their claim that elections had been manipulated by the Socialist Party. Thus, the final word on the validity of the elections rested with the international community, and not with any of the domestic actors.
This has created a viscous circle of dependency culture – both economic and political – in which the local actors have become increasingly dependent on the international community and thus the latter has become increasingly involved in Albanian domestic politics. In order to break free from such a vicious circle – that is detrimental to both local and international actors - a rethinking of the role of the international community and its relation vis a vis domestic actors is needed. This rethinking should aim to make local actors more accountable and thus reduce the gap between the public and the political elites.
However, it is important to realize that the handicaps of the Albanian democracy cannot be dealt with only through top – down approaches. An important challenge Albanian democracy faces is to stimulate grass root participation and organization. This would be the only effective way to bridge the gap between the people and the political elite. This function has not been performed by the so called civil society that has been quite often identified with NGOs. These by and large are not result of indigenous movements but donor driven and thus incapable to voice popular concerns. Another important component of the civil society, the media, follows very closely on the footsteps of the political game – that as it has been mentioned is growing away from popular concerns. Despite their many shortcomings political parties remain the only successful social movements and as such worthy of more attention.
Recommendations
- Political Parties
It is important to realize that in Albania, political parties are some of the most important and self-sustainable institutions. So, it is important that more investment should be made in building the capacities of the political parties, providing training and improving their efficiency and democratic culture.
- Political Consensus and Institutions
At the heart of the functioning, organization, and structure of the judiciary there should be a political agreement that should ensure the longevity and immunity of the judiciary system. Practices in the international arena lead us to believe that the best long term solution, as far as the judiciary is concerned, could be a political agreement that regulates appointments to the highest levels of the judiciary and the justice system. Such an agreement would guarantee the independence of these institutions from the purges that follow electoral processes.
- Electoral Reform
The present electoral system in Albania is a SMDS one (Single Member-District System) combined with a proportional system. The electoral system is primarily a SMDP one since 100 out of 140 seats are allocated through SMDS, whereas the remaining 40 are allocated proportionally while respecting the SMDS ratios. Such a system tends to perpetuate the two major political parties and does not create room for new political alternatives to gain meaningful representation. Therefore a more proportional electoral system should be favored in order to enrich the political offer to the electorate.[1]
- Restore Parliamentary Democracy
One of the main virtues of a parliamentary democracy is that it produces governance. The head of the executive is also head of the winning political party so that there is a clear line of responsibility and accountability. This has rarely been the case in Albania that is supposedly a parliamentary democracy. As the most recent crises indicates the separation of powers between the chairman of the party and the premiere is a recipe for future crises as both of them will struggle for the control of the parliament and the party while shifting responsibility to each other for any short comings of the governance.
- Fighting Corruption
The fight against corruption remains one of the major challenges for Albania, and has serious implications for the future governance. At the present time a momentum in the fight against corruption, due to recent political developments, is beginning to take root in the media and the public agenda. If the fight against corruption is to succeed this momentum should enter governments agenda and the justice machinery and not wane.
- Regional vs. Domestic Stability
“Greater Albania” is not a factor in the internal dynamics of the country, consequently priorities lie with domestic challenges, such basic services, economic development, corruption and trafficking. Therefore, these should be the criteria against which governance should be judged by the international community in Albania.
- Stability vs. Democracy
In Albania due to a prolonged crises situation, stability is emerging as the panacea of the Albanian conundrum. However, developments within Albania should be judged not on merit of the so called “stability considerations” but against democratization processes. Instability has been the outcome and not the source of the absence of democratization.
- Consistency in Democratic Standards
One of the most important measures to be taken in order to overcome the “stability phenomenon” and promote democratization is by upholding consistent standards regarding free and fair elections. Unfortunately, Albania has not yet passed the test of free and fair elections. A tradition of compromised, yet acceptable, electoral processes is taking root in Albania.
The Aftermath of 2001 Parliamentary Elections
The 2001 parliamentary elections marked the beginning of a protracted political crises in Albania, which has three major dimensions. First of all there is an ongoing economic crises, caused mainly by an acute energy crises, which has been developing independently of political dynamics. Secondly, there is a major internal crises in the Socialist Party, between two major factions represented by chairman Nano and ex-premiere Meta, which resulted in a lack of governance and a total paralyses of the administration, this in turn has deepened the existing economic crises. Finally, there is an electoral crises inherited by the 2001 elections and that is partly reflected in the obstacles that have to be overcome in the election of the president.
The current political crises reflects all the major handicaps of the fragile Albanian democracy, while it has also brought forth some propitious novelties. The major challenge one has to face when trying to explain it is where to begin. Every beginning reflects the bias of the narrator, ours is not an exception. Yet we think our choice to start with the 2001 parliamentary elections is justified since parliamentary elections are a major turning point in the life of a young and fragile democracy. The 2001 elections were of particular importance since they were the first parliamentary elections held after the ones of 1997, which most of all represented a way out of the 1997 crises.
Again in the 2001 parliamentary elections Albanian democracy failed the test of free and fair elections. These elections were not recognized by the oppositions and they were strongly criticized by ODHIR although they were found acceptable.[2] With the exception of the 1992 elections, that brought about a change in regimes and not simply governments, all the other parliamentary elections in Albania have been contested by the losing party. Free and fair elections are still an unachieved objective for Albania, and this became quite clear in the 2001 parliamentary elections, especially as the parties compete on a “take it all” basis.
The debate about the election results revolved around the question of the extent of the Socialist victory (although this was more of a political stand rather than a factual one). The election results allowed the Socialist Party to elect the president with its 3/5 of the seats in parliament. Therefore, the Socialists did not need to engage the opposition in the process. Interestingly enough, the opposition being marginalized, an old power struggle within the Socialist Party, resurfaced and escalated between the chairman Nano and premiere Meta. Although in the Socialist electoral campaign Meta was presented as the future Socialist premiere, once the Socialist Party came to power Meta’s candidacy was challenged by Nano backed candidate. After Meta won by an overwhelming majority in the Socialist structures, Nano’s position was seriously weakened. Nano was marginalized and his position as chairman of the party was threatened.