SPEECH/05/283
Dr. Joe BORG
Member of the European CommissionResponsible for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs
European Values
SDM International Conference - The Common Heritage of Europe
Malta, 14 May 2005
Thank you for your invitation to be here today. The fact that you have chosen to host an international seminar with values, and more particularly, European values as its central theme, is worthy of the highest praise. This is not merely a platitude – I say this simply because our values form the core of each and every decision that we take. Whether it is our values as individuals or the values that we hold collectively, it is precisely this set of beliefs and norms that guide our actions.
I propose to deal with the question of our values within a European context. I shall do this firstly in view of the new Constitution for Europe – a hot topic of discussion today, most especially in light of the imminent French referendum on the same. Secondly, I shall deal with it in the context of the transatlantic relationship which has been the subject of much focus of late, with President Bush’s visit to Europe earlier this year and as a result of the 60th anniversary of the end of the Second World War that we marked last week. I always feel that the Victory Day celebrations are a reminder of just what united the US and Europe in the past, and possibly more importantly, of the ideals upon which the concept of a United Europe was built. It is this latter concept that I will explore towards the end of my intervention this morning.
As young, European, Christian Democrats, I believe the European Constitution, signed in 2004 and currently awaiting ratification, must be central to your deliberations. As you well know, its main aims are to replace the overlapping set of treaties that comprise the Union's current constitution and to streamline decision-making in what is now a 25-member entity. Why has doing this become so pressing a need? Why have a Constitution now when we have managed so well in the past? And does the advent of a 25-member Union have anything to do with it?
My answer to that is yes. The Communityhas not only grown: from 6 countries in the 1960s to 9 in the 1970s, 12 in the 1980s, 15 in the 1990s and 25 as of last year. It has also developed: from a coal and steel community to a common market and now, increasingly, into an entity that can best be described as a Community of common values.
Each of the countries that make up the European Union has its own national interest and its own way of doing things. Yet one thing is common to all. As members of the EU, they have all signed up to the promotion of the following values: human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law, respect for human rights and minority rights. Each member state also declares that the following principles are duly upheld, principles such as: pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality of the sexes.
None of these are new. What is new is that some of them are being codified for the first time as a result of the Constitution.
By virtue of the Constitution, the aims of the EU are also made explicit. Take for example the articles that talk of: the promotion of peace, European values and the well-being of its people; security and justice without internal frontiers; an internal market where competition is free and undistorted; sustainable development based on balanced economic growth and price stability; social justice and protection; solidarity between generations and among member states; and respect for linguistic and cultural diversity. The list is long and yet each of these, reflect in some way or another, what can be termed European values – values that by their very definition reflect the European way of life.
This is not to say that these values are exclusive to us. Far from it. Several other countries espouse similar values and have these reflected in their own Constitutions or national legislation. What makes the difference between one and another is in the way in which we choose to apply these values in our dealings with each other and with the outside world.
Like us, the United States – Europe’s closest Western ally - also pursues these values. However the methods they use to apply them are often very different.
In recent years we have witnessed significant developments that have changed the commonality that we shared resulting from the impact of World War II and the unity of purpose brought about by its end. The tearing down of the Berlin Wall in 1989 – signalled the start of a new era for Europe. The turning point for the United States came some time later, on that tragic day in September 2001, now simply referred to as 9/11.
There is no doubt that we still have far more in common with America than we do which divides us. But it is also clear that, as a result of the different experiences we have been through over the years, especially the two seminal events highlighted above, the ties of the past are now somewhat altered.
One often hears that Americans find it difficult to understand Europe and its problems. The mere fact that so many American officials talk about "relations with Europe" or "European opinion" indicates a certain distance from the reality of a much more complicated picture. This gets even more complicated when one considers the question of our common foreign policy. A common foreign policy implies common interests. We often state that these interests are to promote: democracy, human rights, civic solidarity and so on. Yet, as was amply demonstrated by the Iraqi situation, these common interests are not so far so common within the European Union, after all. Besides, the values that we claim to be specifically European values, also seem to be those of the Bush administration whether it is in Afghanistan, Iraq or Liberia.
So why are the US and Europe at variance so often? Why do we so often have differences between the policies we favour for dealing with countries like Iraq or Iran? Why do we believe in having our own policy of regime change and in doing it our way?
The secret, I believe, lies in the means we choose to reflect our values and bring their benefits to others. We are using what we like to think of as the force of argument, rather than the argument of force. This can be seen most clearly in the EU ‘promise’ of membership to other European nation states that qualify for it - a relatively slow and lengthy procedure that however holds better prospects for genuine change than any other more decisive or short-term action.
Yet for Americans the whole matter is viewed differently. As President Bush pointed out in the Victory Day celebrations last week, Europeans often do not appreciate the enormous effect 9/11 had on Americans. It is not easy to fathom the depth of the shock the Americans experienced that day. Yet, if we were to, then we would certainly find it easier to understand the American reaction to the event, which is to do something about it.
The US also acts further afield, and with a different set of interests to defend – many of which have necessarily become more relevant since 9/11.
Such like considerations, I believe, help explain why, while our values are by and large the same, the methods we choose are often so obviously different.
Returning to the Constitution and its simple objective to build a union of the peoples of Europe which is able to defend and promote European values both at home and abroad, we realise that what we need more than anything, is a European Union which works. And that is exactly what this Constitution is all about.
The Constitution sets out the separation of powers between government at EU level and government at national level, it gives European citizens a Charter of Fundamental Rights, and it gives any country a legal means to leave the Union if it decides to. All these are new.
It also modernises the EU: it makes it more effective, more democratic, more transparent and more able to influence global affairs. It also means recognising that in a globalised world the ability of Member States to protect themselves against terrorism, or to manage environmental change or to cope with immigration is directly proportionate to their ability to work together.
The Dutch Presidency, during the last semester, took the initiative to organise a debate about European values. They did this because, despite the other possibly more pressing challenges that lie before us, they felt that it was importantto have a serious reflection about the values we Europeans share.
Prime Minister Balkenende said the following: ‘A value is not something that we possess. Not an achievement we can boast about. A value is a task, a motivation, an incentive to take action.’ He added that ‘the stronger the motivation, the more we can achieve together in the struggle ‘to make lives good’. It is exactly this sentiment that the founders of European integration - Monnet, Schuman, Adenauer, De Gasperi and others – understood so well. They realised that ‘making lives good’ could only be achieved by combining the practical interests of the countries of Europe in such a way as to prevent any further outbreaks of war. Their work has been carried on by the next generation of leading Europeans, who have striven hard to further weave together our European ideals.
We now stand at the threshold of a new phase of European integration. At a total count of 25 member states, with still more waiting in the wings, and after over 50 years since its inception, the European Union is set to have a constitutional foundation. Admittedly the ratification process has still some way to go with quite a number of national referenda still to be held. Yet auguring that all goes well, and that the Constitution enters into force in November 2006, are we sure that we will have a Union of citizens who trust and believe in this Union itself?
As the European Union advances, it seems that we are losing the European citizen somewhere along the way. Many Europeans are increasingly distracted and disenchanted. They have trouble seeing what is the commonality of Europe. They do not feel part of the great whole. Even in the new member states, enthusiasm seems to be cooling. As former Polish Foreign Minister and current MEP Bronislaw Geremek said: ‘We have Europe. Now we need Europeans’.
It often seems as if the great historical significance of Europe is fading. The generation which lived through the Second World War is disappearing. And post-war generations, largely the younger generations such as yourselves, see Europe’s great achievements – liberty, peace and prosperity – as a given. For many the ideals upon which Europe was founded no longer mean very much.
It is herein that the problem lies, since without these ideals Europe’s very foundations will begin to erode. Our original basis for European integration will crumble.
In addition to focusing on uniting Europe, we must now focus on uniting Europeans. The Constitution is an important step in the right direction. As I stated earlier, it will make Europe more democratic and more transparent. It provides further guarantees that decisions will be taken by those closest to the citizens. And it acknowledges the significance of Europe as a community of values.
The greater the awareness of our shared values the greater the European Union’s political resolve can be. A Europe which is conscious of its shared values is also economically stronger. Shared values also bind us together as European citizens. The discussion about shared values is particularly important precisely now that cultural and religious differences in Europe are becoming more and more pronounced. Now that increasing numbers of people are questioning the very idea of Europe. Now that some groups are threatening to isolate themselves. And now that fear, insecurity and nationalism are again raising their heads.
The preamble of the Constitution states that Europe is ‘united in its diversity’. This may be the most concise statement of what makes our Europe of today. Can we hope that diversity will be the source of our strength rather than the herald of a weakening of our resolve?
The answer is yes.
And the sooner we resolve to channel our energies into forging this diversity into unity through dialogue and openness, the easier will it be to have a Europe of Europeans.
We must therefore provoke and participate in a profound reflection as to the very foundation of European unity, and where, in that unity, lie our common values. Values must make up the path that leads to where we cannot otherwise go. To a place that cannot be reached by way of the economy and institutions alone. The vocation of the European Union is to keep on learning from its diversity and from interaction with other cultures.
After more than fifty years, it is my firm conviction that Europe as a community of values is still just as necessary.
Thank you.
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