Ernesto Perez-Carrillo

Perez-Carrillo 1

Ernesto Perez-Carrillo

SUID: 4841243

Professor Lusignan

Due: 12/05/03

Catholic Church in Cuba

On January 1, 1959, the Cuban Revolution triumphed, as Fidel Castro and his followers ousted the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batsista. It was not long before Castro’s actions began to raise eyebrows across the world. Castro, soon after taking power, began to nationalize foreign businesses and expropriate foreign-owned property. Many people including U.S. investors had to give up their casinos, oil refineries, farmlands, and homes to the Cuban government without compensation. Castro was committed to transforming Cuba into a socialist country, and he was willing to do whatever it took to achieve this aim.

Castro’s time in power marks a very interesting period in the Catholic Church’s development in Cuba. Along with the unpredictable social and economic changes that have characterized Castro’s regime, the Catholic Church has gone through numerous stages in its role and stance in Cuba. In this paper, I will trace the different stages that the Catholic Church has experienced from Castro’s ascension into power to the present time, and provide my views on the future of the Catholic Church in Cuba.

History of Catholic Church from 1959-1989

The initial reaction of the Catholic Church towards the Cuban Revolution was one of caution. The Church was hopeful that Castro’s regime would not have a negative impact on its operations for several reasons: notable ecclesiastics like Archbishop Enrique Perez Serantes had supported Castro during his battle against Batista; some leaders from the Catholic laity held important positions in Castro’s government; and, some bishops who did not approve of the revolution left the country immediately to prevent any discord between the Church and government (Treto19). Consequently, the Church did not undermine Castro’s government in any way and lent its support whenever possible.

The constitutional law of agrarian reform, decreed on May 17, 1959, led to the first notable break between the Catholic Church and Cuban government. Although some bishops approved the reform law, most leaders of the Church publicly opposed it (Crahan 325). This disapproval was rooted in the Church’s fear that Cuba would become a communist nation. The Circular Letter of the Cuban Episcopate, dated August 7, 1960, and signed by all the bishops, clearly expressed the Church’s concern and views on communism:

In recent months the government of Cuba has established close commercial, cultural, and diplomatic relations with the governments of the main communist countries…We are deeply disturbed by the fact that in that connection there have been high government figures who have repeatedly and warmly praised the systems in those countries…We are concerned because Catholicism and communism follow two totally opposed conceptions of the human being and world, views that will never be reconcilable (Treto 31).

Although the Church did not directly attack the Cuban government in the aforementioned letter, it was evident that tension was about to arise between the two sides. The Catholic Church was not going to allow Castro to realize his ideal of a socialist country without putting up a fight.

In the April 17, 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, some Catholic leaders in Cuba joined forces coming from the U.S. in an attempt to overthrew Castro. The invasion was an utter disaster. The Cuban government defeated the opposition, and caught three Catholic chaplains that had participated in the attack. These Catholic leaders were shown in televisions all over Cuba and were depicted as traitors to the Cuban Revolution (Treto 40). Moreover, Castro reacted to these Church leaders’ participation in the Bay of Pigs invasion by closing all private, religious schools (American Atheist 2). The closing of religious schools was a major setback for the Catholic Church. Not only did these schools provide the Church with income, but they also provided the Church with a means to attract children into Catholicism. After the closing of all religious schools, 460 priests fled away from Cuba in anticipation of a religious persecution (American Atheist 2). The period immediately after the Bay of Pigs invasion marked one of the bleakest times for the Catholic Church in Cuba.

Tensions between the Catholic Church and the Cuban government subsided for the remainder of the 1960’s, as the Church pursued a strategy of accommodation. The papal nuncio in Cuba at the time, Cesare Zacchi, ascribed the accommodation to the fact that:

The Church has realized that the revolution is irreversible. At first the priests thought that it was provisional, that at any moment the situation could change, the atheistic regime of state socialism would collapse…But now socialism has become institutionalized, and the achievements of the revolution proved lasting. In this stabilized situation the Church ought to begin to think of its place inside a new society (Crahan 329).

As the quote reflects, the Church gave up on its attempts to change the Cuban government’s ways. Instead, the Church was going to assume that the revolution was permanent, and look to find a place in Castro’s Cuba. During this period, Castro slapped the Church in the face a couple of times, such as when he announced that the Cuban government would no longer recognize Christmas as a holiday (American Atheist 2). Nonetheless, the Church remained steadfast in its approach of accommodation.

In the 1970’s, the Church continued to accommodate to the Cuban government’s policies and actions. Whereas, immediately after the Cuban Revolution, the Church was criticizing the socialist actions taken by the Cuban government, the Catholic Church was now condemning the U.S. for its embargo. The Cuban bishops signed a statement addressed to all priests during this time, in which they said: We denounce this unjust situation of blockade, which adds to unnecessary suffering and makes development efforts more difficult (Treto 68). This condemnation is proof that the Church had given up on trying to change the Cuban government’s ways. The Church viewed the situation in Cuba as unchangeable, and was demanding that the U.S. accommodate to Castro’s regime.

The accommodation of the Catholic Church, which lasted for most of the 1960’s and 1970’s, led way to the constant dialogue that took place between the Church and the Cuban government during the 1980’s. This newfound dialogue between the Church and government led to many occurrences that would not have been imaginable in the past. For example, in the spring of 1984, Archbishop Jean Vilnet of France visited Cuba. The reason behind the archbishop’s visit was to formally donate to the Cuban government a large sum of money to help finance the Cuban government’s plans to set up and develop the national network of special schools for hearing impaired and handicapped children (Treto 118). Furthermore, in 1984, Castro attended a Methodist service with Reverend Jesse Jackson and Catholic officials (American Atheist 2). The aforementioned occurrences were each a consequence of the open communication that characterized the relationship between the Church and the Cuban Government in the 1980’s.

History of Catholic Church from 1990-Pope John Paul II’s Visit

The Church’s approach of accommodation after the early 1960’s was sharply criticized by those who believed that the Church should have spoken out loudly against the human rights abuses in Cuba. However, if the Church had not adopted its strategy of accommodation, then it would not have survived into the 1990’s. The Cuban government was too strong and it would have crushed the Catholic Church.

In the early 1990’s, however, the strength of the Cuban government began to weaken considerably, as the Soviet Bloc collapsed. The Cuban government was feeling the intended effects of the U.S. embargo stronger than ever. The Church took advantage of the government’s debilitated state during this period to make some noise. In 1993, a group of Cuban bishops released a message titled, “Charity Hopeth All Things.” In this message, the bishops denounced the absence of freedom in Cuba, the excessive reach of the government, the high number of people imprisoned for actins that should not be considered crimes, and discrimination on religious ideas (Castro). In 1994, the Cuban bishops continued to speak out, as they deplored the sinking of a tugboat of refugees by the Cuban government (Castro). There was no question that in the 1990’s the Church’s approach to Cuban government had changed—the Church was no longer going to accept the Cuban government’s way of being as given.

Surprisingly, this new and more aggressive approach of the Church did not prevent a meeting between Fidel Castro and the Pope at the Vatican in 1997. During this meeting, the Pope lamented the fact that there were fewer than 200 Roman Catholic priests left in Cuba (American Atheist 3). Castro acknowledged the Pope’s concerns, and ultimately extended a formal invitation for the Pontiff to visit Cuba (American Atheist 3). Soon after the meeting, the Vatican and Cuban officials began planning for a Papal visit in 1998.

After much planning and deliberation, the Pope embarked on his trip to Cuba; a trip that many people believed would rejuvenate the life of the Catholic Church in the island. On Wednesday, January 21 at 4 PM, the Pope arrived in Cuba and gave his first speech of the trip at the airport. In this speech, the Pope declared: I come in the name of the Lord to confirm you in faith and to strengthen you in hope and to encourage you to love (Stevens-Arroyo 5). These words by the Pope were extremely meaningful and resonated all over Cuba. The Pope was looking to bring religion, hope, and love back into the lives of Cubans. In another speech intended for the Cuban youth, the Pope asked Cuba’s young people “to return to their Cuban and Christina roots” (Stevens-Arroyo 5). Once again, this speech looked to revive the life of the Catholic Church in Cuba. This time the Pope’s words targeted Cuba’s youth, and thus, had long-term implications. During his visit, the Pope gave several speeches. Although each of these speeches was very different, they all had a common theme. Each one encouraged Cubans to embrace Catholicism. In his final speech, the Pope ended with the following words: As everyone knows, Cuba has a Christian soul (Stevens-Arroyo 10). Thus, in his visit to Cuba, the Pope made a wholehearted effort to reintroduce Catholicism in the lives of the Cuban people. But would the Cuban government truly allow Catholicism to gain strength in Cuba?

Catholic Church After the Pope’s Visit to Cuba

Although there were high hopes after the Pope’s visit, barely any of these hopes ever materialized. As Cuban Cardinal Jaimi Ortega reveals, “relations with the Cuban government remain essentially the same. The social-political space is always very limited and it appears often the church is ignored” (Catholic News, Reuters). Cardinal Ortega’s frustration is rooted in the fact that many of the policy reforms that were expected after the Pope’s visit never passed. For example, the Pope’s visit to Cuba raised expectations Havana would allow the Church to broadcast television programs and operate schools. As Ortega notes, neither policy reform ever came into effect (Catholic News, Reuters).

Furthermore, the Cuban government has continued to impinge on the religious freedom of its citizens. In a move that drew significant criticism, Cuban officials requested the death penalty for Catholic human rights activist Jose Daniel Ferrer Garcia. Mr. Garcia was accused of “acts against the independence and territorially entirety of the state” (Catholic News, Universe). This accusation basically translates into expressing your religious beliefs in public—an act that would not be considered illegal in the majority of the world. To make matters worse, in Cuba, people are sometimes imprisoned for expressing their religious beliefs in private. A report by the U.S. State Department revealed that Cuban security agents often spy on those who worship in churches on the island. If the government hears something it does like from the worshiper, the worshipers will be followed and eventually imprisoned (Johnson).

In sum, the Catholic Church has not gained the momentum from the Pope’s visit that was anticipated. Little has changed in Cuba in terms of the government’s stance on the Catholic Church. People are still not allowed to express their religious beliefs without the risk of being imprisoned, and the Church still does not have access to the media or permission to operate schools.

The Future of the Catholic Church in Cuba

Given the history of the Catholic Church in Cuba since Castro took power, I do not foresee the Catholic Church gaining any power as long as Cuba’s political system remains as is. However, I do foresee the Catholic Church playing a major role in the island when Cuba becomes a democratic nation. In the near future, I believe the Catholic Church will concentrate on trying to serve as a bridge between the U.S. and Cuba. By creating this bridge, the Catholic Church can help facilitate and boost the transition from a socialist to a democratic Cuba. There are several ways in which the Catholic Church can attempt to create this bridge. For example, the Catholic Church in Cuba can sponsor trips where Cuban-Americans are reunited with their family members in Cuba. These trips will help alter the views of many Cuban-Americans who continue to support the Cuban embargo, as these people will see how much their family members are suffering. Furthermore, the Catholic Church can host church retreats in Cuba for Cuban-Americans. These retreats will also serve to change the views of Americans who support the embargo. Thus, I believe that the Catholic Church in Cuba in the near future will focus its energy on trying to fix the relations between the U.S. and Cuba. Unless these relations are normalized, the Catholic Church will continue to play a minor role in Cuba.

Works Cited

Treto, Raul. Church and Socialism in Cuba. Orbis Books, 1988.

Crahan, Margeret. Cuba: Religion and Revolutionary Institutionalization. Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2, 319-340.

American Atheist Publications. A Background and Chronology of Castro-Vatican Relations.

Castro, Max. The Missing Center? Cuba’s Catholic Church. New York Times,

January 21, 1998.

Stevens-Arroyo, Anthony. Papal Overtures in a Cuban Key: The Pope’s Visit and Civic Space for Cuban Religion. The University of Scranton Press, 2002.

Catholic News. Source: Reuters.

Catholic News. Source: Universe.

Johnson, Tim. Report: Religion in Cuba Still Reined-In. Miami Herald,

October 8, 2003.