AFRICAN AMERICA

DOCUMENT 1

What is the prime motivation for English involvement in the African slave trade? How important a role does race factor in this early English slaving venture under Captain John Hawkins to the Guinea Coast, 1567-1568?

The third troublesome voyage made with the Jesus of Lubec, the Minion, and foure other ships, to the parts of Guinea , and the West Indies , in the yeeres 1567 and 1568 by M. Joh Hawkins .

The ships departed from Plimmouth, the second day of October, Anno 1567 and had reasonable weather untill the seventh day, at which time fortie leagues North from Cape Finister [NW of Spain], there arose an extreme storme, which continued foure dayes, in such sort, that the fleete was dispersed, and all our great boats lost, and the Jesus our chiefe shippe, in such case, as not thought able to serve the voyage: whereupon in the same storme we set our course homeward, determining to give over the voyage: but the eleventh day of the same moneth, the winde changed with faire weather, whereby we were animated to followe our enterprise, and so did, directing our course with the Islands of the Canaries, where according to an order before prescribed, all our shippes before dispersed, met at one of those Ilands, called Gomera, where we tooke water, and departed from thence the fourth day of November, towards the coast of Guinea, and arrived at Cape Verde, the eighteenth of November: where we landed 150 men, hoping to obtain some Negros, where we got but fewe, and those with great hurt and damage to our men, which chiefly proceeded of their envenomed arrowes: and although in the beginning they seemed to be but small hurts, yet there hardly escaped any that had blood drawen of them, but died in strange sort, with their mouthes shut some tenne dayes before they died, and after their wounds were whole; where I my selfe had one of the greatest woundes, yet thanks be to God, escaped. From thence we passed the time upon the coast of Guinea, searching with all diligence the rivers from Rio grande, unto Sierra Leona, till the twelfth of Januarie, in which time we had not gotten together a hundreth and fiftie Negros: yet nothwithstanding the sicknesse of our men, and the late time of the yeere commanded us away: and thus having nothing wherewith to seeke the coast of the West Indies, I was with the rest of our company in consultation to goe to the coast of the Mine [El Mina], hoping there to have obtained some golde for our wares, and thereby to have defraied our charge. But even in that present instant, there came to us a Negro, sent from a king oppressed by other Kings his neighbours, desiring our aide, with promise that as many Negros as by these warres might be obtained, aswell of his part of our, should be at our pleasure: whereupon we concluded to give aide, and sent 120 of our men, which the 15 of Januarie, assaulted a towne of the Negros of our Allies adversaries, which had in it 8000 Inhabitants, being strongly impaled and fenced after their manner, but it was so well defended that our men prevailed not, but lost sixe men and fortie hurt: so that our men sent forthwith to me for more helpe: whereupon considering that the good successe of this enterprise might highly further the commoditie of our voyage, I went my selfe, and with the helpe of the king of our side, assaulted the towne, both by land and sea, and very hardly with fire (their houses being covered with dry Palme leaves) obtained the towne, and put the inhabitants to flight, where we tooke 250 persons, men, women, and children, and by our friend the king of our side, there were taken 600 prisoners, whereof we hoped to have had our choise: but the Negro (in which nation is seldome or never found truth) meant nothing lesse: for that night he remooved his campe and prisoners, so that we were faine to content us with those fewe which we had gotten ourselves.

Now had we obtained between foure and five hundred Negros, wherewith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seeke the coast of the West Indies, and there, for our Negros, and other our merchandize, we hoped to obtaine, whereof to countervaile our charges with some gaines, wherunto we proceeded with all diligence, furnished our watering, tooke fuell, and departed the coast of Guinea the third of Februarie, continuing at the sea with a passage more hard, then before had bene accustomed till the 27 day of March, which day we had sight of an Iland, called Dominica, upon the coast of the West Indies, in fourteene degrees: from thence we coasted from place to place, making our traffike with the Spaniards as we might, somewhat hardly, because the king had straightly commanded all his Governours in those parts, by no meanes to suffer any trade to be made with us: notwithstanding we had reasonable trade, and courteous entertainement, from the Ile of Margarita unto Cartagena,...

DOCUMENT 2

Two British vessels, the Treasurer and the White Lion-- ( the latter sailing under Dutch flag) , attacked t he Portuguese slave ship, San Juan Bautista, bound for Veracruz, Mexico with some 350 Angolan slaves. Each ship seized 20 to 30 slaves before sailing off . T he White Lion landed at Jamestown , Virginia and t rad ed some of their human spoils of war f or provisions ; the Treasurer tried to follow suit a few days later, but after an "unfriendly" reception by local Indians, sailed to Bermuda where several slaves were sold before the ship return ed to Virginia a few months later to se ll off the last 9 or 10 Angolans . This letter by John Rolfe, dated Jan. 1619/20 refers to the arrival of the first African s to the colony :

...About the latter end of August, [1619] a Dutch man of Warr of the burden of a 160 tu?es arriued at Point-Comfort, the Comandors name Capt Jope, his Pilott for the West Indies one Mr Marmaduke an Englishman. They mett wth the Trēr in the West Indyes, and determyned to hold consort shipp hetherward, but in their passage lost one the other. He brought not any thing but 20. and odd Negroes, wch the Governor and Cape Marchant bought for victualle (whereof he was in greate need as he prtended) at the best and easyest rate they could. He hadd a lardge and ample Comyssion from his Excellency to range and to take purchase in the West Indyes. Three or 4. daies after the Trēr arriued. At his arriuall he sent word prsently to the Gou9nor to know his pleasure, who wrote to him, and did request myself Leiftenante Peace and Mr Ewens to goe downe to him, to desyre [2a] him to come vp to James Cytie. But before we gott downe he hadd sett saile and was gone out of the Bay. The occasion hereof happened by the vnfrendly dealing of the Inhitante of Keqnoughton, for he was in greate want of victualle, wherewth they would not releive him nor his Company vpon any termes....

Source: Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III: Miscellaneous Records, edited by Susan Myra Kingsbury.

DOCUMENT 3

Several of the Africans who arrived in Virginia in the late 1610s a nd the early 1620s were baptized . Did their s tatus as acculturated Christians afford them an advantageous legal standing in the community ?

The Testimony of John Phillip in Virginia 's General Court, November 30, 1624 ]

John Phillip A negro Christened in England 12 yeers since, sworne and exam sayeth, yt beinge in a shipp wth SrHenry Maneringe, they tooke A spanish shipp aboute Cape Sct Mary, and Caryed her to mamora in wch shipp was A spanish ladye and divers other, And beinge in mamra Mr Symon Tuchinge Cam into Mamora in a smale shipp, and after some Conference had by ye said Tuchinge wth the Spaniards taken as aforesaid, he was by them ymployed in ye said smale shipp to Lisbone to feach money for the Ransominge of the said lady, wch Accordinglie he pformed.

Source: McIlwaine, ed., Minutes of the Council and General Court of Colonial Virginia , p. 33.

DOCUMENT 4

While male freemen in Virginia were often fined rather than publicly whippe d for the crime of fornication. Does Hugh Davis's harsh sentence handed down on September 17, 1630 suggest that state-sanctioned "racism" was a factor in his sentencing , in that his "accomplice" and the witnesses of his punishment w ere persons of color ?

September 17th, 1630. Hugh Davis to be soundly whipped, before an assembly of Negroes and others for abusing himself to the dishonor of God and the shame of Christians, by defiling his body in lying with a Negro; which fault he is to acknowledge next Sabbath day.

Source: McIlwaine, ed., Minutes of the Council and General Court of Colonial Virginia, p. 477.

DOCUMENT 5

Virginia 's land claim system grant ed 50 acres to planters for every servant imported into the colony . This landclaim by John Upton shows that Africans were in cluded in the headcount s , at least as early as July 7, 1635.

JOHN UPTON, 1650 acs., Warresquioake Co., 7 July 1635, p. 210. About 3 mi. up Pagan point Cr., bounding almost W. from the Cr. into the woods a little Cr. running in by the sd. Land out of the Pagan Pt. Cr. to a great poplar tree. Trans. of 33 pers: Rich. Young, Antho. a Negroe, Mary a Negroe, Florence Richards, Roger Bagnol, Ralph Harwood, Thomas Reevs, Rich. Spackman, Edward Burr, Savage Merrie, Wm. Scott, Rich. Jones, Fr. Savage, Owen Howell, Nich. Bushell, James Parsons, Jon. Parker, Lewis Phillipps, Morgan Roberts, Wm. Davis, John Fitchett, Morgan Roberts, Wm. Davis, John Fitchett, Morgan Evans, Christopher Lewis, Phillipp Jennersly, Eliz. King, Martha Swann, Mary Johnson, Jonas Sadlington, Anth. Tyler, Peter Heyes, Rich. Jackson, Wm. Pincher, Eliz. Larkin.

Source: Nugent, et al., comps., Cavaliers and Pioneers, I:25.

DOCUMENT 6

On June 30, 1640 , Virginia's General Court authorize d thecreation of fugitive slave patrols to pursue Black r unaway s. What does this imply about the crime of "self-theft" and early African strateg ies of resistence to slavery?

The court hath granted that a commission shall be drawn for John Mattrom and Edward ffleet authorizing them to levy a party of men, or more if need require, out of the trained band for Charles river [York] county with arms and ammunition to go in psuit of certain runaway negroes and to bring them to the governor. And it is further ordered that such men as shall be pressed for this expedition shall receive their pay and satisfaction for their pains at the public charge of the counties from whence such negroes are runaway and likewise for any boat or boats that shall be taken for the said service.

Source: McIlwaine, ed., Minutes of the Council and General Court of Colonial Virginia, p. 468.

DOCUMENT 7

In a July 9, 1640 sentence, John Punch becomes the first African legally made slave for life. Does his severe punishment demonstrate a deliberate r acial bias in Virginia General Court sentencing of runaway servants ?

Whereas Hugh Gwyn hath by order from this Board Brought back from Maryland three servants formerly run away from the said Gwyn, the court doth therefore order that the said three servants shall receive the punishment of whipping and to have thirty stripes apiece one called Victor, a dutchman, the other a Scotchman called James Gregory, shall first serve out their times with their master according to their Indentures, and one whole year apiece after the time of their service is Expired. By their said Indentures in recompense of his Loss sustained by their absence and after that service to their said master is Expired to serve the colony for three whole years apiece, and that the third being a negro named John Punch shall serve his said master or his assigns for the time of his natural Life here or elsewhere.

Source: McIlwaine, ed., Minutes of the Council and General Court of Colonial Virginia, p. 466.

DOCUMENT 8

Was this a case of g ender , r ac e, religious, or class bias in this Virginia General Court sentence for fornication, October 17, 1640 ?

Whereas Robert Sweat hath begotten with child a negro woman servant belonging unto Lieutenant Sheppard, the court hath therefore ordered that the said negro woman shall be whipt at the whipping post and the said Sweat shall tomorrow in the forenoon do public penance for his offence at James city church in the time of devine service according to the laws of England in that case pvided.

Source: McIlwaine, ed., Minutes of the Council and General Court of Colonial Virginia, p. 477; see also Hening, ed., The Statutes at Large, 1:552.

DOCUMENT 9

John Graweere , a Christian "negro servant," sought legal recognition in the Virginia General Court of his purchase of his son's freedom with his master's consent, March 31, 1641. How did Christianity influence an early African's ability to use the legal system to advantage?

Suit of John Graweere in the Virginia General Court , 1641

Whereas it appeareth to the court that John Graweere being a negro servant unto William Evans was pmitted by his said master to keep hogs and make the best benefit thereof to himself pvided that the said Evans might have half the increase which was accordingly rendered unto him by the said negro and the other half reserved for his own benefit: And whereas the said negro having a young child of a negro woman belonging to Lieut. Robert Sheppard which he desired should be made a christian and be taught and exercised in the church of England, by reason whereof he the said negro did for his said child purchase its freedom of Lieut. Sheppard with the good liking and consent of Tho: Gooman's overseer as by the deposition of the said Sheppard and Evans appeareth, the court hath therefore ordered that the child shall be free from the said Evans or his assigns and to be and remain at the disposing and education of the said Graweere and the child's godfather who undertaketh to see it brought up in the christian religion as aforesaid.