In Re: Nomination Papers of Carl Romanelli Docket No 426 MD 2006
CANDIDATE AND COUNSEL MEMORANDUM IN SUPPORT OF MOTION TO
STAY IMPOSITION OF COSTS AND PETITION TO REOPEN THE HEARING
ON THIS MATTER PENDING OUTCOME OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL’S
CRIMINAL PROSECUTION OF “BONUSGATE SCANDAL” THAT DIRECTLY
ALLEGED CRIMINAL CONSPIRACY AND MISAPPROPRIATION AND
THEFT OF TAXPAYER FUNDS TO ILLEGALLY FUND THE 2006 COURT
CHALLENGE TO UNTED STATES SENATE CANDIDATE CARL
ROMANELLI
FACTS
On or about January 7, 2007, this Court conducted a hearing on Petition
challenger’s motion for costs. The Court subsequently imposed costs upon Mr.
Romanelli and his counsel as the losing party in an election matter in 2006 not under
the Election Code but under the Judicial Code to get around a decision on the same
day as the hearing wherein the Commonwealth Court stated that costs were not
recoverable under the Pennsylvania Election Code. Carl Romanelli and his counsel
appealed the imposition of sanctions to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court.
Subsequently, the Harrisburg Patriot News revealed the existence of
multimillion dollars bonus payments to State Legislative employees. Attorney
General Tom Corbett then commenced an investigation of these “bonus” payments.
On or about July 10, 2008, during the pendency of the Romanelli appeals, the
Attorney General announced the indictment of twelve state employees and in the
investigating grand jury presentment specifically laid out information that the
nominating petition challenges to Ralph Nader in 2004 and Carl Romanelli in 2006
were done with state employees, on state time, in state offices, using state equipment
and paid their normal state salaries to perform political work and those employees
received tax payer money as a bonus payment for this illegal political work. (See
Exhibit A, pages 55-59 of the Grand Jury Presentment, attached hereto.) The
Attorney General Tom Corbett stated: “Two outstanding examples of
misappropriation of taxpayers’ resources on petition challenges were the Ralph
Nader for President of the United States in 2004 and the Carl Romanelli for the
United States Senate in 2006.” (EMPHASIS ADDED)
On July 10, 2008, Sam Stretton, Esquire, appellate counsel for Romanelli and
Otter corresponded with Clifford Levine, Esquire, counsel for the challengers, about
his knowledge of these circumstances and payments received by Levine and his firm
for their work on this case. Levine has declined to answer these queries. In 2006 and
2007, neither Romanelli and his counsel nor the Pennsylvania Commonwealth Court
and the Pennsylvania Supreme Courts were aware of this illegal activity and
misappropriation of tax money which directly impacted upon the case before the
courts.
On October 7 and 8, 2008, preliminary hearings for some of the “Bonusgate”
defendants were held in the Dauphin County Court of Common Please before
President Judge Richard Lewis. At the preliminary hearing a number of state
employees testified in public under oath about illegal campaign work performed by
them in state offices, using state computers, on state time, to challenge the petitions of
Ralph Nader in 2004 and Carl Romanelli in 2006. It is now a matter of record in the
Courts of this Commonwealth that the petition challenges to both Nader and
Romanelli were the fruit of illegal activities and misappropriation of taxpayer
resources conceived, instigated and approved by former State Representative Michael
Veon and State Representative William Deweese among others in the Democratic
Party leadership of the State House and elsewhere.
On October 21, 2008, the Supreme Court affirmed the lower court order,
thereby relinquishing jurisdiction in this matter.
The matter is now properly before the Commonwealth Court in its original
jurisdiction.
Mr. Romanelli and Mr. Otter seek to reopen this record so the full extent of
the criminal acts and misuse of tax payer funds can be discovered and further, to
reopen the record so this evidence placed before this court where a blatant fraud has
occurred.
Mr. Romanelli complied with the election laws of Pennsylvania in a good
faith submission of 94,000 signatures in support of his candidacy. Romanelli filed a
nomination package in good faith in a volume never before accomplished in
Pennsylvania, in conformity with the laws of the Commonwealth, despite the
disproportional requirement on third parties. There was no finding of fraud in this
case. Mr. Romanelli pursued his dream of running because he had issues he wanted to
talk about and was frustrated by the massive use of government funds against him,
which ultimately caused his Petitions to be stricken. Mr. Otter only tried, without
being paid hardly any legal fees, to defend Mr. Romanelli.
II. LEGAL ARGUMENT
A. Equity demands that this Court exercise its inherent power to act
where extraordinary circumstances demand it.
It is well settled that courts of this Commonwealth possess inherent power to act
where equity so demands. Great American Credit Corp. v. Thomas Mini-Markets,
Inc., 230 Pa.Superior Ct. 210, 326 A.2d 517 (1974). In such situations, the power of the
court to open and set aside its judgments may extend beyond the expiration of the appeal
period. Id. The discretionary power of the court over such judgments is, however, very
limited. Simpson v. Allstate Insurance Co., 350 Pa.Superior Ct. 239, 504 A.2d 335
(1986). Generally, judgments regularly entered in adverse proceedings cannot be opened
or vacated after they have become final, unless there has been fraud or some other
circumstances “so grave or compelling as to constitute ‘extraordinary cause’ justifying
intervention by the court.” Id. at 245, 504 A.2d at 337.
Attorney General Tom Corbett stated: “Two outstanding examples of
misappropriation of taxpayers’ resources on petition challenges were the Ralph
Nader for President of the United States in 2004 and the Carl Romanelli for the
United States Senate in 2006.” (EMPHASIS ADDED). (See Exhibit A, pages 55-59
of the Grand Jury Presentment, attached hereto.). If a criminal conspiracy to bring an
action to court and abuse the legal process does not constitute extraordinary cause
nothing does!
Justice maybe blind but it cannot be deaf and dumb in the face of a political
scandal so unimaginable and arrogant which deliberately abused legal process to further
political ends achieved through criminality.
B. The equitable Doctrine of Clean Hands bars the imposition of any
costs against the candidate and his counsel who were the victims of a
fraud upon the court through an illegal tax payer funded Election
Petition challenge.
Equity demands that the Court Order be stayed and that this case be reopened. The
original challenge to Romanelli’s United States Senate Petition was the result of
a criminal conspiracy that misappropriated tax money (See Exhibit A, pages 55-59 of
the Grand Jury Presentment, attached hereto.) to deprive Pennsylvania voters and a
candidate for a Federal office of their right to vote and run for office. The essence of our
democratic society and our government is a fair and free election process. Once the
government becomes involved in funding candidates and challenging candidates, our
democratic system no longer works. Until the Attorney General’s July 10, 2008
indictment of 11 legislative staffers and one former state representative, neither the
candidate, his counsel, the Commonwealth Court or the Supreme Court knew of the tax
payer funded criminal conspiracy that challenged various Green Party candidates for state
and federal office in 2006 or 2004. The “clean hands” doctrine requires that the party
seeking relief from the court have acted fairly and without fraud and deceit in the
litigation at issue. Shapiro v. Shapiro, 415 Pa. 503, 204 A.2d 266 (1964); Fumo v.
Redevelopment Authority, 115 Pa.Cmwlth. 542, 541 A.2d 817 (1988).
The 2006 petition challenge was brought with unclean hands by the petitioners and
their counsel, Clifford Levine, Esquire, who coincidently was the Deputy State Counsel
(Pennsylvania), Kerry-Edwards, Inc. (2004) and Statewide Election Law Co-Coordinator,
Bob Casey for Senate (2006). (See Exhibit B-portion of biography of Clifford Levine
from Thorp Reed website). In that position he had intimate information about the Nader
challenge in 2004.
Levine knew of the involvement of Veon, Manzo and others in the
2004 Nader challenge. Of course, essentially the same “experienced” cast of characters
was involved in the 2006 petition challenge since they had gained plenty of “how to”
knowledge from the 2004 challenge. This court cannot ignore the equities that are now
present in this case. Nor can this court ignore the blatant fraud upon the court by the
petition challengers and their counsel in light of the Grand Jury Presentment (See Exhibit
A, pages 55-59 of the Grand Jury Presentment, attached hereto.). To suggest that the
petition review compiled in anticipation of the 2006 challenge and illegally paid for with
tax money is “wholly extraneous” to the entire matter is disingenuous. Such a
conclusion destroys the moral authority of the Courts and to the average citizen makes
the Courts complicit with the named wrongdoers in the Bonusgate scandal. This Court
cannot rely on the recent decision of Judge Leadbetter in the Nader matter to boot strap
this gross abuse of the legal system by the challengers and their counsel.
Any suggestion that the challengers and their counsel approached this Court with
the 2006 Election Petition challenge with clean hands is belied by the Grand Jury
Presentment. (See Exhibit A, pages 55-59 of the Grand Jury Presentment, attached
hereto.) The whole Election Petition challenge proceeding was absolutely tainted by
criminal acts. “Any willful act concerning the cause of action which rightfully can be said
to transgress equitable standards of conduct is sufficient cause for closing the doors of a
court of equity to one tainted with inequitableness. Precision Instrument
Manufacturing Co. v. Automotive Maintenance Machinery Co., 324 U.S. 806, 65
S.Ct. 993, 89 L.Ed. 1381 (1945); In re Estate of Pedrick, 505 Pa. 530, 482 A.2d 215
(1984). The clean hands doctrine does not bar relief to a party merely because his conduct
in general is blameworthy; the doctrine only applies where the wrongdoing directly
affects the relationship subsisting between the parties and is directly connected to
the matter in controversy. Estate of Pedrick.”. (Emphasis added). Giddings V. State
Board of Psychology, 669 A.2d 431, at 435 (Pa. Commw. 1995). The “successful”
petition challenge is directly connected to the matter in controversy and was corrupt from
its inception. Court approval of corruption destroys the moral authority of this Court.
But for the illegal tax payer funded work orchestrated by indicted former legislative
aides Brian Cott and Mike Manzo and counsel for the petitioners we would not all be
here. The original petition challengers and their counsel are “tainted” with the criminal
acts that allowed this matter to be brought to Court in the first instance.
Had candidate and counsel be aware of the gross criminal activity as outlined in the
Grand Jury Presentment (See Exhibit A, pages 55-59 of the Grand Jury Presentment,
attached hereto.) the candidate and his counsel would have had ample grounds for
contesting the Bill of Costs on the grounds that Levine and his Thorp Reed colleagues
lacked clean hands in this matter. Levine and his colleagues, among others, would be the
focus of additional discovery since they have been evasive on this matter since July 10,
2008.
Based on this new information, including the Grand Jury Presentment, the
indictments in the Bonus Gate Scandal, and the testimony during the preliminary hearing
which outlined the scope of the illegal activity against Mr. Romanelli in 2006 and Nader
in 2004 the record should be opened and discovery allowed so justice can prevail or in
the alternative that the order imposing costs on the candidate and his counsel be reversed.
C. The very integrity of this Court comes into question where there is
now evidence in the public record of a tainted election challenge.
On July 10, 2008, Attorney General Tom Corbett stated: “Two outstanding
examples of misappropriation of taxpayers’ resources on petition challenges
were the Ralph Nader for President of the United States in 2004 and the Carl
Romanelli for the United States Senate in 2006.” (EMPHASIS ADDED). (See
Exhibit A, pages 55-59 of the Grand Jury Presentment, attached hereto.)The
allegations of ciminal acts tht directly relate to the subject matter of the case before
this court. Any suggestion that the work performed and submitted to this court as
exhibits to the original challenge in August 2006 as part of a criminal enterprise is not
part of this matter strains credulity and offends common decency. One of the
principal architects of this scheme, Michael Manzo has already entered into a plea
agreement with the Attorney General.
Two leading Pennsylvania newspapers, The Philadelphia Inquirer and
Harrisburg Patriot News, have already editorialized that this scandal “makes the case
for Nader’s plea to overturn the order that he pay more than $81,000 in legal costs run
up by the Democrats.” (Editorial: Nader’s Payback, Philadelphia Inquirer, August 18,
2008). The Harrisburg Patriot is even more direct: “if the Grand Jury’s “allegations
ultimately are proven true in court, Nader has a right to relief from an $81,102
penalty he was assessed by Commonwealth Court.” (Editorial: If Nader was Kept
Off Ballot by State Democrats, He Deserves Court Cost Relief, July 29, 2008).
Romanelli and his counsel were likewise dunned by the Court for costs. Justice
Maybe blind but it cannot be deaf and dumb in the face of a political scandal that
sought court action to further political ends achieved through criminality.
D. Pennsylvania’s court imposed loser fees on candidates for federal
office are unconstitutional.
Ballot access is recognized as an important aspect of voting rights. See
Bullock v. Carter, 405 U.S. 134, 143, 92 S.Ct. 849, 31 L.Ed.2d 92 (1972) ("laws
that affect candidates always have at least some theoretical, correlative effect on
voters"). The practices of the other forty-nine states prove that Pennsylvania’s charge
for signature verification is extraordinary. No other state forces unsuccessful
candidates to pay costs or fees to challengers who force them off the ballot. No other
state demands that candidates pay for signature verification. No other state charges
filing fees of any sort that come anywhere near the $80,000+ charged to Romanelli by
the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
The court imposed fines in this case are akin to a financial death penalty to the
candidate and his counsel. These financial penalties also beg serious constitutional
questions.
In 1966, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that Virginia’s $1.50 poll tax was
unconstitutional. Harper v Virginia Bd. of Elections, 383 U.S. 663, (1966). The
Court said, "It is argued that a State may extract fees from citizens for many kinds of
licenses; that if it can demand from all an equal fee for a driver’s license, it can
demand from all an equal poll tax for voting. But we must remember that the interest
of the State, when it comes to voting, is limited to the power to fix qualifications.
Wealth, like race, creed, or color, is not germane to one’s ability to participate
intelligently in the electoral process. Wealth or fee paying has no relation to voting
qualifications; the right to vote is too precious, too fundamental to be so burdened or
conditioned."
In 1972 and again in 1974, the Supreme Court applied that principle to
mandatory candidate fees, and unanimously rejected them, at least for candidates who
cannot afford them. Bullock v Carter, 405 U.S. 134, struck down Texas filing fees
that ranged from $1,424 to $6,300. Lubin v Panish, 415 US 709, struck down a
California fee of $702. In 2003, the 3rd circuit struck down Pennsylvania’s
mandatory filing fee of $200, in Belitskus v Pizzingrilli, 343 F 3d 632.
One may object that poll taxes and filing fees are not directly analogous,
because Pennsylvania candidates whose petitions are sufficient need not pay court
costs. However, when Pennsylvania requires as many signatures as it does (67,070 in
2006), it is impossible for a candidate to know in advance if his or her petition will
pass muster. To make a better analogy, imagine that Virginia had imposed a poll tax
only on voters who vote for a losing candidate instead of a winning candidate, and
that the tax was to be collected after the election was over. A voter would be told,
"Don’t worry; you may vote without paying the poll tax, IF your candidate is a
winner."
Such a hypothetical poll tax would obviously deter potential voters. Similarly,
the challenge-fee system will deter potential candidates. If deterrence is the realworld
consequence of the threatened fee, then the fee might as well have been
mandatory from at the beginning of the process. The effect is the same; candidates
will be afraid to file. This strikes at the very core of a democratic society.
Meanwhile, the only two federal courts to address the constitutionality of
charging for signature verification have either ruled the practice unconstitutional, see
McClaughlin v. North Carolina Bd. of Elections, 65 F.3d 1215 (4th Cir. 1995), or
have demanded a complete waiver for those who cannot afford to pay. See Fulani v.
Krivanek, 973 F.2d 1539 (11th Cir, 1992). Neither candidate nor counsel can afford
to pay the fees imposed in this matter.
Would a law that forces all losing candidates to foot winners’ campaign bills
survive constitutional scrutiny? Would a poll-tax charged only to voters who
supported losing candidates? The answer to both of these questions is ‘of course not’.
Indeed, “loser pays” requirements are the worst of all worlds in the political/electoral
context. They not only discourage voters and candidates from participating, they
encourage “bandwagon” major-party politics. Far from being a free market of ideas,
the electoral arena is reduced to a political duopoly.
Of course, no state has attempted to impose a poll-tax on voters who support
losing candidates. Nor does any state charge candidates for losing. But until now, no
state has billed candidates for unsuccessfully seeking the ballot either.
The Pennsylvania system enforced through the courts raises serious 1st, 14th