The post-hurricane Maria Political Opposition Blue-print: How to combat the politics of mendicancy in a system headed by a regime which is poised to further leverage its entrenched advantage.
Author: Bruno, Alex. December 12, 2017.
About the author
Alex Brunoearned a bachelor degree (BA) in Philosophy with a minor in theatre, and a master degree (MA) in Political Science from Florida Atlantic University (FAU). Mr. Bruno graduated with an initiation into the Eta Delta Chapter of Pi Sigma Alpha, the National Political Science Honorary Society (FAU CHAPTER) on December 1, 2016, and is currently enrolled in a PhD program with a major in Political Science at Florida International University’s (FIU) Steven J. Green School of International and Public Affairs. Alex is also an Adjunct Instructor of political science and U.S. government at Palm Beach State College in Florida. The author has conducted several research assignments on the island of Dominica, including his ground breaking national scientific political survey on the electability of Dominica political candidates in April 2017. Bruno is a constant contributor to political debates of the island which is badly in need of the sort of scholastic attention for which the author advocates. Bruno has spent a considerable number of years studying Caribbean cultures and societies.
Abstract
Nations undergo some form of reform from time to time and the present is as good a time as any, if not the perfect opportunity to reform the electoral system of the island of Dominica. This change is urgently needed if the island is to progress past the vision of the political incumbency which has consolidated power inthis fledgling democracy. For this to be achieved, however, the society must become more tolerant of opposing views and the concept of democracy should be allowed to find its way through every sector of the Dominican way of life, especially its electoral processes. Political incumbency in thriving democracies, as is the case in Dominica,can work against the very notion of the inclusiveness which democracy mandates. It is an unhealthy state of affairs when, in a democratic system, there is majority rule and little regard for the rights of the minority. Hurricane Maria decimated Dominica and this presents opportunities for a fresh start. There should certainly be a revamp of the structure of the island’s electoral system in a way that would be fair to all electoral entities. I posit that the island’s electoral agency should be brought in line with international best electoral practices. There are several working parts of the Dominican elections machinery and they should be strengthened in any reform, but whatever the case, opposition interests should be granted greater autonomy.
Body
“The Dominican opposition needs to take urgent political stock if they are to seriously contend for political leadership of a country which probably needs it now more than ever before.”
Tragedy is supposed to bring people together, but hurricane Maria seemed notto have done so in the case of the Caribbean island of Dominica. My view is that the gap which exists between in partisan political opportunities; the space between the haves and the have-nots and the unpretentious efforts by the status quo to increasingly widen that gap are mainly to be blamed. Insteadof adopting a country first attitude, those who control the balance of power operate as if it were business as usual, while the opposition fadesaway in the background as if they were buried beneath the rubble which Maria had left behind. With the consciousness that this is not necessarily the correct approach to Dominica’s recovery following the devastation of hurricane Maria, this essay intends toengagethe political hopefuls and fair-thinking Dominicans in a way that would callthem into action – united, in Dominica’s overall interest.
I began composing this essay on Sunday, October 21, 2017 at about 10:19am. The desire to write came as an uncharacteristic jolt duringmy solemn meditation on the state of affairs of my native land, Dominica, after it had been literally slackened by hurricane Maria. I write at a time when the political wrangling taking place in Dominica is bigger than the political players. This mission directs me to call for the invocation ofa more profound political consciousnessthat would bring opposing opinions together in the creation of a master governing policy; a policywhich is needed if Dominicamust make any sort of meaningful recovery. Skerrit, Linton, Vital and the lot should operate under the premise that their task is a solemn engagement in nationbuilding – not party and self aggrandizement. The current actors on Dominica’s political stage must take their responsibility seriously, as the current and future generations of Dominica rely upon the honest application of their statespersonship. The present state of helpless segregation and subtle political manipulationof the people is certainly not the foundation upon which a stronger and more united Dominica should be built.
This analysis, if embraced, could assist inthe harmonizationof the approaches to offer a solid platform of ‘change’ in a climate of heightened power anxiety andpolitico-physiological stagnation. By this I mean, a time when partisan politics stretches the limits of our divisiveness into rigid geographical spaces; in a place where the zeal for power could spark political unorthodoxy to the determent or benefit of the country. My idea is presented with the view that this democratic republic of Dominica would greatly benefit from the sort of political rethink necessary for a nation which must be freed from a situation of perpetual ‘one-man/political partyincumbency syndrome or OMPPIS.’ Protecting Dominica and its democratic institutions should be the main goal during this recovery. As the nation rebuilds from the ravages of hurricane Maria, adjustments must be madetoits electoral policies. Whereas such adjustments or political realignments are not traditionally advanced by the incumbent party, the onus rests on the opposition interests to advance the cause.
A divided opposition will not defeat the incumbent Dominica Labour Party (DLP), especially at this time of widespread mendicancy as a result of the passage of hurricane Maria. My view is that the DLP, based on what has been observed, will exploit the situation and manage the recovery to their benefit. And this may be seen as fair game in the battle for political expediency. Because the DLP has such deep roots into Dominica’ssocio-political landscape,mainly through the initiatives of its leader, Roosevelt Skerrit, it may prove to be very challenging to combat the political antics between the post hurricane Maria recovery and the lead up to the next parliamentary general elections. There are ways and means of measuring up with the game plan of the incumbent party, but such matters cannot be discussed within this essay. In fact, this is but a public version of a more detailed and methodological plan. This idea is presented in the public, because if the public is better informed, the public will make better choices.
The first public move by the leader of Dominica’s government following hurricane Maria was a partisan political one. Someone who identified himself as the principal political advisor of Prime Minister Sterrit, Mr. Hartley Henry, was the first to report on the condition on the island after the winds and rain of the category 5weather system, hurricane Maria, had subsided. This, to me, showed exactly how the recovery was going to be handled and most of what I have observed thus far confirms Mr. Skerrit’s motives. He was going to stage-managethe recovery process with strategic political actions and strong public appeal and positioning. This viewis more generally held than not and the evidence is contained in the several media publications and public discussions that have ensued. I would have certainly preferred to have heard from myPrime Minister (PM) instead of a fellow Caribbean brother and politicalstrategist at this most crucial instance of my native land’s history. I am certain that Mr. Henry would expect nothing less of the Bajan Prime Minister.
Now, political games-personship (my word for the sake of striking gender equity) is a given in such conditions, so blame should not be necessarily levied against Mr. Skerrit. In fact, I lament the lack of strategic positioning of the opposition and other government members of parliament (PM) alike during the media-rich and politically sensitive periodafter the disaster - the first 72 hours. The lack of appearance of the other leaders following that period also left a lot to be desired. The PM seized the initiative and never looked back. His antics which were thoroughlymeasured for sentimental effectivenessleft very little room for the flourishing of the broaderresponse which was and is still necessary. This translates as a missed opportunity for national recovery but a moment of political glory for Skerrit. In fact, this post-Maria condition istailor-made for his management style and ideological mindset; we may just see the flourishing of ‘Skerritism’ for another five-year term.
With this observation, I do not however suggest that the Dominica Labour Party (DLP), Skerrit or Skerritism is not necessarily suited. I instead present the view that a‘change’in political direction may better serveDominica’s present sovereign democratic ideal at this juncture. It is the responsibility of conscious thinkers to suggest inclusive ways for human progress, and mine is simply that the parliamentary opposition and those aspiring to govern and/or those who advocate for buoyancy in the electoral political business, should present a lucrative platform for such change. This plan must be one which is clinically presented after a thoughtful process involving all the major players and this includes those who are currently affiliated to and/or serving in the incumbent regime and are prone to change. Public infighting and faux pas on the part of the opposition is like granting Skerrit an advance election victory gift. So words of the leadership sparring within the United Workers Party, the Freedom Party’s “go-it-alone platform”and talks of a totally new opposition initiative(s) separate and apart from the existing established parties may be political endeavors in and for the interest of the incumbent Dominica Labour Party.
The Dominican electoratesare inclined to change the political stewardship of the island. There is this general sense of incumbency fatigue among the electorates, but the strategic positioning and economic means of the DLP help stifle out those sentiments. Because of the gross indifference in Dominica’s electoral system vis-à-vis those of more liberal democratic territories, a system-wide overhaul is recommended. If reform is not forthcoming, regime change is the only recourse and this would require an extraordinary effort. But it is possible. When the current governing regime is changed, the personnel which have clogged the electoral system’s operation will also be changed and the long overdue reform will be materialized - or it should.
The way to achieve this is for the message from the alternative to be broadened beyond their base and streamlined to the more pertinent issues confronting the masses. This means that such a message should become more inclusive and should be streamlined in a way which appeals to an overwhelming voting majority. Themajority, of course, includes a movement of support away from the DLP and this may only happen when the correct political strategies are implemented. Divine means may also feature in the electoral change as it sometimes does. Winning should be what motivates this strategic move (the divine means will work itself out), and the way to win in a political democracy is to capture the imagination of the overwhelming majority and get them to vote you in; it is that simple. So, referring to the cabinet ministers as a cabal or criminal enterprise would not necessarily gain the sentiments of supporters of those individuals.
The plan should be to elect an alternative government to manage the affairs of state. With the understanding that governance does not solely mean one party, an alternative partyor regime would best represent that badly needed all-inclusive approach. I suggest a pre-election merger of the UWP and the DFP and other such political movements. This is not the conventional ideal because parties traditionally run independently, but such a merger would work best for Dominica in these times of inclusion which hurricane Maria has demanded of the system. This is being suggested especially sincethe DLPwhich holds the governing authority in the Dominican parliament, is not inclined to include any element of the parliamentary and otheropposition ideas in the recovery exercise; an exercise which screams for positive inclusion.
If this lack of inclusion is allowed to fester; if the DLP gets its way through the recovery process, the incumbent will flourish but the country could become worse off. If the opposition gets better organized, the DLP will be challenged to the core but the country may benefit. You could choosewhicheveroption yields the best results but I believe that the latter may pay greater national dividends. I believe that new energies and/or ideas should be injected intothe next level of Dominica’s political stewardship. I make this call because we are in extraordinary times and the country now faces extenuating circumstances which merit such departure from the partisan norm. The people need to get involved. Dr. Martin Luther King,Jr. teaches us as follows:
A man dies when he refuses to stand up for that which is right. A man dies when he refuses to stand up for justice. A man dies when he refuses to take a stand for that which is true.[1]
Not wanting to be a dead man existing among the living, I chose tosay just what I am moved to say and I solidifymy professional political independence with this call. I am also encouraged by Shannon L. Alder who writes:
Staying silent is like a slow growing cancer to the soul and a trait of a true coward. There is nothing intelligent about not standing up for yourself. You may not win every battle. However, everyone will at least know what you stood for— YOU.[2]
So, why must I be silent? Why should you be silent? Why should anyone remain silent?
My conviction is that the DLP has a significant role to play in the governance of Dominica and that as an institution; it should be supported and applauded for its role in producing our nation’s leaders. Labour has produced four of the nation’s six political leaders since Dominica’sattainment of political independence on November 3, 1978. UWP and DFP must also be supported and applauded for steadying the ship of state both in opposition and on the governing majority of the Dominican government. I should note that the DLP regained the leadership mantle in 2000 following twenty years in opposition, thanks to the DFP who colluded with the DLP to out-seat the UWP. So, my call for a DFP – UWP merger is justified and warranted at least as far as the island’s recent political history goes – ’tis poetic justice.
The future of Dominica’s political leadership is left to be seen but we ought not to leave it to chance. Some believe that we should go on as if it were business as usual while others ring out the ‘Skerrit must go’ refrain. And I ask, go where? Amidst it all, we have been losing track of a most crucial sector of the Dominica population who will hold the current electors responsible for our actions. It simply cannot be the case that Dominica is such a unique nation that the people persist with one governing authority since 2000 with little to show as justification for their rational choice. In contrast, the electorates of Antigua and Barbuda have changed governments twice during the same period. Barbados has had two government changes, with each party (Barbados Labour Party ‘BLP’ and the Democratic Labour Party ‘DLP’ serving two terms in office since 1999).
Grenada changed itsgovernment twice since 1999, with the New National Party (NNP) claiming all fifteen seats twice in 1999 and 2013; the National Democratic Congress(NDC) formed the government for the first time since 1995. On December 3, 2001, St. Lucians voted in the St. Lucia Labour Party (SLP) into office, they changed the SLP on December 11, 2006 and placed the United Workers Party (UWP) in control of their government. St. Lucians voted the SLP back into office in 2011, only to turn around and vote them out five years later - that is four government changes on Dominica’s watch.
St. Kitts electors dismantled a powerful governing incumbenton February 16, 2015 when the rulingSaint Kitts and Nevis Labour Party (SLP), led byDenzil Douglas, was defeated by Team Unity, anallianceof theConcerned Citizens' Movement, thePeople's Action Movement, and thePeople's Labour Party, led byTimothy Harris. Is there a lesson here for Dominica? The incumbent Anguilla United Front (AUF) ruling regime was defeated by the opposition in 2010, five years after they regain power. Five years after that, on April 22, 2015, the AUP retained power with a landslide victory. This victory signaled the third government change in the same time that we have been celebrating one regime, the DLP in Dominica. Probably we should study what effect political incumbency had on Antigua and Barbuda, St Kitts and Nevis, Trinidad & Tobago, Guyana and in fact, I have already begun to investigate this, but in the interim we may rely on the works of political observers and scholars who have already presented scholarly opinions on this topic.