Armed-conflict and Women's Well-being in Manipur
By Homen Thangjam
The disturbing feature about women's response to the ongoing conflict is their perpetual engagement in fighting against conflict and the multiple roles they take up. Both features affect their well-being and disturb the contours of social capital.
INTRODUCTION
High concrete walls and tall iron gates around traditional homes symbolise Manipur's 'unwell-being'. Until a recent past, bamboo fences, hedges and bamboo wickets were barriers used against straying cattle, not against people. Every courtyard in a leikai (village/town locality) was passable from one end to the other through small openings. Erecting fences between two neighbours symbolised the existence of hostile neighbourhood or enmity. But increasing number of such enclosures now signifies barriers against people. This malaise, unknown before, is borne out of anxiety and distrust. This anxiety and distrust have their roots in the conflict that has permeated into the Manipuri society so prominently in the last four decades. The resultant outcome has its ramifications that affect various dimensions of the well-being of the people.
It is the intense nature of the conflict that has produced two inter-related social issues. One, restrictions in every dimensions of life. Two, assumptions of multiple roles by Manipuri women vis-à-vis the conflict. In order to put the issues into perspective, it is essential to analyse the production and distribution of power, wealth, and destitution during conflict. This approach is different from analysing the causal factors responsible for armed-conflict. Addressing the original sources of grievances that led to current conflict does not necessarily address the dynamics of the conflicts generated. In other words, there is a need to look at what kind of impact conflict itself has produced over a period of time.
UNDERSTANDING WELL-BEING IN MANIPUR
In traditional Manipuri society, well-being of individuals was understood in terms of collective responsibility and welfare. The existence of a form of social capital, social support systems and communitarian approaches to livelihood questions sustained well-being. In addition, the traditional concept of communal ownership of land1 and other natural resources gave a lifeline to the poor. The prevalence of the lallup system2 necessitated a communitarian approach to issues related at community level. One could find this ethos embedded either in work culture (sharing of labour known as khutlang) or during response to a crisis. The extension of this social capital operates at other levels of the society and work on the principle of mutual trust and reciprocity. Thus, Lup (community level associations or clubs) served to meet exigencies. Commenting on the significance of singlup (association that oversees the last rites), one of the many lups, R. Brown writes, 'In the event of a villager sinking into a state of extreme poverty, these clubs supply him with necessary food. In sickness, they look after him, and when dead, provide the wood etc. for his last rites. In this way, although many of the inhabitants are very poor, actual starvation or fatal neglect is rendered impossible.'3 In this way, deprivations and destitutions were contained.
WOMEN'S WELL-BEING
Historically, the state played an important role to protect the well-being of women. This is evident from the institution of Pacha loishang (women's court), the women's right to appeal4 and economic freedom accorded to them. While social justice informed the state, at the societal level social relations were governed by principles of collective endeavours, reciprocity and sharing.
Functional occupation of the males in the service of the State, the lallup system, left the trade and economic space, other manual works and professions to women. Keithel (marketplace) solely belonged to the women. Manjushree Sircar opines that women belong to a wider extra domestic world, and exert political power that arises out of their socio-economic roles.5 In addition to the lallup system, depopulation of males during the 'Seven Years Devastation'6 was responsible for women taking up trade and economic activities. Moreover, the advent of colonialism in 1891, which integrated Manipur to a wider capitalist system and improved transportation network enabled them to extend their trading activities beyond Manipur.
At the societal level, well-being of women is generated through collective activities. For example, the role of the community becomes visible once a woman becomes pregnant. A first-time would-be mother is advised or taught childbirth lessons in special lunches or dinners by friends and relatives. After a child is born, the maternal grandmother or an aunt assists the mother in taking care of the baby. Visitors bring special food items for the mother. The tradition of shared breast-feeding or sharing of motherhood ensures a better chance for survival of every child born in the community. Neighbours and leikai women help in tending and caring the child, giving relief to the mother.
Yet, there are opinions, which point out gender biases of the time in the domestic sphere. Dun writes, 'With their industry and usefulness women hold a very inferior position and are considered more in the light of goods and chattels than as persons to be treated with honour and consideration'.7 McCulloh opines, 'A man can put away his wife without any fault on her part…. Women are really slaves of their husbands.'8 Women were also victims of polygamy9 and other forms of male oppression. However, these deviances, unknown before, originated once a conservative religious ideology10 crept in and the traditional society was replaced by a colonial society. The abolition of institutions and a political system that was gender sensitive resulted in loss of women's status.
THE PRESENT SITUATION
Subsequent changes brought about by British colonialism and Manipur's integration to India has brought in new dimensions to well-being and livelihood questions. While pacha loishang and women's right to appeal have disappeared over the time, the institution of keithel and women's economic role have persisted. The abolition of lallup system (replaced by tax system) and monetisation of the economy by the British in 1892 added more burdens on women in terms of running the family. At the same time, the introduction of machines and machine made goods rendered many jobless and affected traditional domain of women's productive work.11 Amidst the rising hardship, women also continued to perform traditionally assigned gendered-roles such as domestic chores and weeding during the paddy season. Subsequent integration of Manipur with India has not altered the roles of women.
The principles of welfare-ism that India rejoiced (till the last decade of the 1980s) was juxtaposed against the image of a modern nation-state caught in a 'game of catch up'-a phrase which has come to be called as 'progress' and 'development'.12 The desired 'trickle down effect' of welfare-ism was minimal. At the same time, 'development' and 'progress' unleashed violence, which rendered many landless and destroyed their livelihoods. Shrinking opportu-nities and problems of unemployment has become an increasing trend. There are 397152 unemployed youths in the state out of which the female share is 106067.13 Women are usually in a more disadvantaged position because of their low skill (technical) and low educational attainment. There are education differentials with female literacy at 59.70 percent and male literacy at 77.87 percent as per the 2001 Census. The additional task women take up in the rising tide of unemployment is enormous. Maximum burden for sustaining the family is on women. This is evident in the keithels. Women also form the largest group of marginal workers. As per the Census of India, 1991, female marginal workers constituted 57 percent. The 2001 Census puts the urban and rural divide at 13.70 and 18.16 percentage respectively to the total main workers.
Increasing physical violence against them also worsens the problem. Susila states that between July 1998 and December 2001, there were 737 cases (domestic violence) in the Family Counseling Centre.14 They are the most vulnerable group in the emerging trend of militarisation in the state.
ARMED-CONFLICT IN MANIPUR
Conflict is a struggle between individuals or collectives over values or claims or status, power and scarce resources. The aims of conflicting parties are to assert their values or claims over those of others.15 Conflict is embedded in society and cannot be separated from ongoing political and social processes. Thus, conflict is not the irrational breakdown of societies or economies: rather it is the reorder-ing of society in particular ways. However, conflict becomes problematic when it takes the shape of an armed-conflict. Armed-conflict can be understood as a contested incompatibility, which concerns government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one is the govern-ment of a state, and results in at least 25 battle related deaths.16 Cliffe and Rock opine, 'Once violent conflict (militarized violence) emerges it transforms itself and all around it-the state, livelihoods, economy and social relations'.17 An examination of the situation of conflict in Manipur reveals this reality.
Armed-opposition movements in Manipur are grounded in ethno-nationalism and have a historical setting. There are more than 20 armed-opposition groups in the state. Their demand ranges from separate statehood to self-determination. Every group is engaged in fights against what they call 'Indian occupational forces'. The prevalence of military and armed-opposition groups and laws to combat armed-opposition movements have created a situation of internal war in the state. In addition, there are other derivatives of conflict in the form of bandhs, economic blockades, strikes, etc. that cause destruction to private and public properties, shortages of food supplies and essential commodities.
THE STATE'S RESPONSE TO ARMED-OPPOSITION MOVEMENTS
The aspiration for independence from India has been met by a renewed Indian determination to secure the territorial integrity of the Union. India's response had been the perpetual reliance on military methods and enactment of anti-people laws. This has been simultaneously played out with increased Central funding as the best way to curb insurgency. The Indian Army with support from the paramilitary forces and state police are engaged in fighting against the armed-rebels in Manipur or the Northeast. In the late 1991, the military operation involved at least four Indian Army divisions and 270 paramilitary companies.18 Military action is justified under the wide rubric of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958.
Increasing security related expenditure has constricted the availability of funds to undertake development activities in the state. The state spends almost 70 paisa per rupee on administrative expenses. Of the administrative expenses, policing consumes up to 70 percent of the total.19 The Ministry of Home Affairs has taken up a 100 percent centrally funded special scheme for modernisation of police forces in the Northeast. In addition, the Centre would supply arms and ammunition, vehicles, communication equipment and other essential equipment. Under this plan, the Centre agreed to reimburse all counter insur-gency expenses incurred by the Northeast states in the last 20 years but asked the state governments to intensify its operation against the insurgents. An amount of Rs. 377 crores, approximately, was released during the periods 1997-98, 1998-99 and 1999-2000.20 Chief Minister of Manipur had earlier urged the Centre to release Rs. 1040 millions as reimbursement for counter-insurgency operation.21 The amount spent by the government in counter-insurgency operations in the past two decades was roughly equal to the Plan allocation for the state for the year 1998-99 which stood at Rs. 4250 millions.22 On the other hand, Manipur's annual expenditure incurred on social sector programmes fell by 21.1 percent to about Rs. 398 crores during the year 2000-01.23
The Tenth Finance Commission earmarked grants totaling Rs.144.30 crores for the Northeastern states.24 For Manipur, the amount stands at Rs. 1436.96 lakhs. This amount does not include allocation for defence forces (army and paramilitary forces) operating in Manipur. Thus, the cost of counter insurgency exercises has cut a deep dent in the developmental works of the state.
CONFLICT, RESTRICTIONS & WOMEN
In the prevailing climate of conflict, there is practically no guarantee to life. During 1992-2001, 3006 persons died in insurgent related killings in Manipur. From 2002 to May 2005, the number stood at 729.25 In addition, there are the interrelated problems of human rights violations. Women withstand the worst of conflict directly in terms of threat to life, sexual harassments, rape and restrictions upon livelihood means. They also undergo trauma when near and dear ones are arrested arbitrarily, tortured, detained or killed by any parties to the conflict. The most worrying aspect is the fear of the unknown as a woman puts it. 'Any time, any one of your relatives or even yourself, or, your own house or locality, can be a target. We cannot sleep until all the family members return safely to the house'.26 Therefore, the issue of well-being is central to their problems in a situation of conflict.
The situation of conflict creates a sense of insecurity and uncertainty. Restriction is the most disturbing outcome. Our understanding of the term encompasses the complex network of human realities imaginable in a situation of conflict, starting from circumscription on one's physical mobility to threats posed to life. Restrictions affect physical mobility and hence, restrict one's livelihood means and economic activities. The hardest hit sections are from the peasant and the working class. The cases of the keithel phambis (women vendors) and women traders highlight this reality. Enhanced exploitation and deprivations by the stronger and richer are the ultimate outcomes.
Restrictions on physical mobility hinder one's access to resources and institutions around them. Militarisation of the civil space and military occupation of places denies one's access to resources around them. Curfews, bandhs, blockades etc. disable one's access to institutions of public goods and services. Indefinite closure of educational institutions, health centres and other such institutions affect one's personal growth, development, and health.
Women's mobility in terms of conducting trade and other economic activities in the traditional past presupposed a safe environment free of restrictions and violence. One visible impact of the ongoing conflict is on the institution of keithel. These institutions are the mainstay of earning a livelihood for women and for supporting their families. The Ima keithel alone hosts more than 7000 keithel phambis on a daily basis. As a site for launching any form of protest, agitation or movement by women, keithels are affected in many ways. Boycott of keithel is one of the strategies followed by the women. At the same time, the government follows wanton imposition of keithel bandhs whenever women undertake agitations. Curfews, general strikes, and shoot-out in the market places are other incidents, which affect the keithels.
Restriction on mobility affects women traders, too. 'In this society, women are more resilient, hardworking and much more realistic than men in coming to terms with their lives. You'll find most women willing to work for long hours just to earn Rs 5. They would not mind working for eight hours, or walking 3 km. carrying the vegetables on their heads, rather than sell themselves in the flesh trade'.27 Constant frisking by the security forces hinders one's journey and causes loss of precious time.
Women had expressed their frustration against the frequent call of bandhs, general strikes and economic blockades in 2005 during the Meitei script movement in the state.28 In a symbolic gesture, a large number of women placed their kitchen utensils on the road, inviting the vehicles to run over them. They stated that the frequent impositions of bandhs and blockades have dealt a hard blow on their economy, especially in meeting the daily requirements, such as food.
Economic restrictions have created a situation of enhanced exploitation in the state. Power flows from the barrels of the guns and likewise is distributed. Women condemn payment of double taxes, extortion on the highways, confiscation of goods and money by the conflicting parties29 as ultimately those affect them. Common people become victims of those who 'can' afford to buy 'peace' from both the conflicting parties. This category of people engages in business by paying taxes to the armed rebels and state forces. They recover the same through proportional increase in prices of the commodities/services. By this logic, the rich gets richer in a situation of conflict, and the poor gets poorer.
COLLECTIVE RESPONSE & MULTIPLE ROLES
Meira Paibis or the women 'torch bearers' is a phenomenon of collective response to the excesses of the armed-forces. They draw their strength and resilience from history and the tradition of collective action.30 Meira Paibis patrol the neighbourhood late into the night with torches in their hands. Their presence is found in every village and locality in the valley area. Membership is voluntary and married women in the age group of 18 years to 80 years are the usual members. They are engaged in fighting against State repressions and human rights issues. They also persuade the armed rebels to refrain from attacking state security forces and to stop fratricide.