AP US History Document Based Question

Directions: The following question requires you to construct an essay that integrates your interpretation of Documents A-S and your knowledge of the period referred to in the question. In the essay you should strive to support your assertions both by citing key pieces of evidence from the documents and by drawing on your knowledge of the period.

Instead of accomplishing its intended goal of settling the increasingly heated arguments over the issue of slavery, the Missouri Compromise offered only a temporary solution. Actually, it fueled the rising sectional disputes and growing animosity between the opposing side. Inevitably, this would lead to the dissolution of the union. Assess the validity of this statement.

Document A

"The Missouri question so called, has agitated the public mind, and that I sincerely regret and never excepted, but that now I see, will be the entering wedge to separate the union. It is even more wicked, it will excite those who is the subject of discussion to insurrection and massacre. It is a question of political ascendancy, and power, and the Eastern interests are determined to succeed regardless of the consequences, the constitution or our national happiness. They will find the southern and western states equally resolved to support their constitutional rights I hope I may not live to see the evils that must grow out of this wicked design of demagogues, who talk about humanity, but whose sole object is self aggrandizement regardless of the happiness of the nation." Source: Quote by Andrew Jackson, before he became president, regarding the Missouri Compromise.


Document B

Document C

"The Missouri question... is the most portentous one which ever yet threatened our Union. In the gloomiest moment of the revolutionary war I never had any apprehensions equal to what I feel from this source.... This momentous question, like a fire bell in the night, awakened me and filled me with terror. I considered it at once the [death] knell of the Union...the matter is hushed indeed, for the moment. But this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence." Source: Letter from Thomas Jefferson to a correspondent.

Document D


Document E

"By what fatality does it happen that all the most eloquent orators of the body are on its slavish side? There is a great mass of cool judgment and plain sense on the side of freedom and humanity, but the ardent spirits and passions are on the side of oppression... I take it for granted that the present question is a mere preamble- a title page to a great, tragic volume." Source: Writings of John Quincy Adams on his visit to the Senate on February 11, 1820.

Document F

"When I got there, I found the members from the Slave States, and some from others, in despair. All efforts had been tried and failed to reconcile the parties.... If you adopt the Missouri line... you do legislate upon the subject of slavery, and you legislate for its restriction. I know it has been said. that non-legislation implies... exclusion of slavery. That we cannot help...if nature has pronounced the doom of slavery in these territories... who can you reproach but nature and nature's God?" Source: Henry Clay's recollection of the events in the House on January 16, 1821.

Document G

"We must concern ourselves with what is and slavery exists. It is to us [Southerners] a question of life and death ... a necessity imposed upon the South, not a Utopia of our seeking. We are the eel that is being flayed." Source: Warning from Senator John Randolph of Roanoke, Virginia to Southerners about the weakness in the Missouri Compromise.

Document H

"Many of the House members were new, 86 of 186 Representatives and in that fact lay the rub. More than half of the newcomers were from the free states. In 1790, representation in both houses of Congress had been divided fairly equally between North and South, but by 1820, although the balance still held in the Senate, in the House free-state votes outnumbered those of slave states by 24. And if Missouri came in as another free slate, even the Senate would be weighted against the South. This was what terrified the slave interests. Southerners felt that by presuming to set conditions for Missouri that no other state had ever been forced to meet, Congress would be assuming powers not specifically granted it by the Constitution. If this was carried one step further, Southerners feared, Congress might even claim the powers of abolition; with Northern control, millions in slave property might be wiped out by a simple majority vote.

The South was at bay, fear was an ugly undercurrent of the debate and the word "disunion" was spoken openly by the South for the first time. Southerners were concerned partly over the specific issue of Missouri, partly over the boarder issues that lay beyond it. Slaves were the basis of Southern wealth. if slavery was banned from the new state, Southern slave traders would lose a valuable market and Southern economic interests would be disregarded when Missouri's vote was cast in Congress. Furthermore, if the North achieved superior voting power throughout Congress it could help itself to economic advantages at the expense of the plantation South.

A great divide was widening between the two sections: the North with its small and growing industries, the South changing year by year into the huge plantation economy which legend would erroneously identify with the entire region as "the Old South." The furious congressional debate between these two factions was a fearsome omen, "a title page," John Quincy Adams observed, "to a great tragic volume." Source: Excerpt from The Life History of the United States: 1789-1829.


Document I

Document J


Document K

"It is a most unhappy question, awakening sectional feelings, and exasperating them to the highest degree. The words, civil war, and disunion, are uttered almost without emotion." Source: Clay's report on the feelings of the Sixteenth Congress.

Document L

"The laws of the United States have denounced heavy penalties against the traffic in slaves, because such traffic is deemed unjust and inhuman... We have a strong feeling of the injustice of any toleration of slavery. Circumstances have entailed it on a portion of our community which cannot immediately relieved from it without consequences more injurious than the suffering of the evil But to permit it in a new country, where yet no habits are formed which render it indispensable, what is it, but to encourage that rapacity, fraud, and violence against which we have so long pointed the denunciations of our code?" Source: Daniel Webster's address to a citizens' meeting at the Massachusetts State House. (December 1819)

Document M

"Gentlemen now have an opportunity of putting their principles into practice. If they have tried slavery and found it a curse, if they desire to dissipate the gloom with which it causes their land, I call upon them to exclude it from the Territory in question. Plant not its seeds in this uncorrupt soil. Let not our children, looking back to the proceedings of this day, say of them, as they have been constrained to speak of their fathers, "We wish their decision had been different. We regret the existence of this unfortunate population among us. But we found them here; we know not what to do with them. It is our misfortune; we must bear it with patience.." Source: Excerpt from Representative John W. Taylor's argument to the House for the Tallmadge amendment to the Missouri Compromise. (1819)


Document N


Document O

"Have the Northern states any idea of the value of our slaves? At least, sir, six hundred millions of dollars. If we lose them, the value of the lands they cultivate will be diminished in all cases one half, and in many they will become wholly useless. And an annual income of at least forty millions of dollars will be lost to your citizens, the loss of which will not alone be felt by the non-slaveholding states, but by the whole Union. For to whom, at present, do the Eastern states, most particularly, and the Eastern and Northern, generally, look for the employment of their shipping, in transporting our bulky and valuable products [cotton], and bringing us the manufactures and merchandises of Europe?

Another thing, in case of these losses being brought on us, and our being forced into a division of the Union, what becomes of your public debt? Who are to pay this, and how will it be paid? In a pecuniary view of this subject, therefore, it must ever be the policy of the Eastern and Northern states to continue connected with us. But, sir, there is an infinitely greater call upon them, and this is the call of justice, of affection, and humanity. Reposing at a great distance, in safety, in the full enjoyment of all their federal and state rights, can they, with indifference, or ought they, to risk, in the remotest degree, the consequences which this measure may produce? These may be the division of this Union and a civil war. Knowing that whatever is said here must get into the public prints, I am unwilling, for obvious reasons, to go into the description of the horrors which such a war must produce, and ardently pray that none of us may ever live to witness such an event." Source: Excerpt from a speech by Representative Charles Pinckney of South Carolina to uphold slavery. (1820)

Document P

“…. the Northwest Ordinance of 1787…. came to grips with the problem of how a nation should deal with its colonial peoples--the same problem that had bedeviled the king and Parliament in London. The solution provided by the Northwest Ordinance was a judicious compromise: temporary tutelage, then permanent equality. First, there would be two evolutionary territorial stages, during which the area would be subordinate to the federal government. Then, when a territory could boast sixty thousand inhabitants, it might be admitted by Congress as a state, with all the privileges of the thirteen charter members. (This is precisely what the Continental Congress had promised the states when they surrendered their lands in 1781.) The ordinance also forbade slavery in the Old Northwest--a path breaking gain for freedom.

The wisdom of Congress in handling this explosive problem deserves warm praise. If it had attempted to chain the new territories in permanent subordination, a second American Revolution almost certainly would have erupted in later years, fought this time by the West against the East. Congress thus neatly solved the seemingly insoluble problem of empire. The scheme worked so well that its basic principles were ultimately carried over from the Old Northwest to other frontier areas.” Source, Thomas Bailey, The American Pageant.

Document Q

Calhoun & the Slavery Question,

"I had some conversation with Calhoun on the slave question pending in Congress. He said he did not think it would produce a dissolution of the Union, but if it should, the South would be from necessity compelled to form an alliance, offensive and defensive, with Great Britain. I said that would be returning to the colonial state. He said, yes, pretty much, but it would be forced upon them.... I pressed the conversation no further, but if the dissolution of the Union should result from the slave question, it is as obvious as anything that can be foreseen of futurity, that it must shortly afterwards be followed by the universal emancipation of the slaves....

After this meeting, I walked home with Calhoun, who said that the principles which I had avowed were just and noble, but that in the Southern country, whenever they were mentioned, they were always understood as applying only to white men. Domestic labor was confined to the blacks, and such was the prejudice, that if he... were to keep a white servant in his house, his character and reputation would be irretrievably ruined.

The discussion of the Missouri question has betrayed the secret of their souls. In the abstract they admit that slavery is evil, they disclaim all participation in the introduction of it; and cast it all upon the shoulders of our old Grandam Britain. But when probed to the quick upon it, they show at the bottom of their souls pride and vain glory in their condition of masterdom....

If the Union is to be dissolved, slavery is precisely the question upon which it ought to break. For the present, this contest is laid asleep." John Quincy Adams, 24 February 1820, Washington D.C. David Colbert. Eyewitness to America. Pantheon Books, 1997.

Document R

"Slavery is extended to Missouri, by a majority of three. The deed is done. The galling chains of slavery are forged for myriads yet unborn. Humble yourselves in the dust, ye high-minded citizens of Connecticut. Let your cheeks be red as crimson. On your representatives rests the stigma of this foul disgrace. It is a stain of blood, which oceans of tears and centuries of repentance can never obliterate. The names of Lanman, Stevens, and Foot will go down to posterity with the name of Judas.* Their memory will be preserved in the execrations of the good, in the groans and sighs of the oppressed, and they will be remembered by the proud oppressor himself in the day of retribution. That day will surely come, for God is just. But for their vote future millions now destined to the whips and scourges of the inhuman slave dealer might have breathed the air of freedom and of happiness. New Haven Journal, March 14, 1820; in Glover Moore, The Missouri Controversy, 1819-27 (Lexington, Ky.: University of Kentucky Press, 1953), p. 196.

Document S

". . . . this momentous question, like a fire-bell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at once the knell of the Union. It is hushed, indeed, for the moment. But this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence.... I can say, with conscious truth, that there is not a man on earth who would sacrifice more than I would to relieve us from this heavy reproach, in any practicable way.... But as it is. we have the wolf by the ears, and we can neither hold him, nor safely let him go. Justice is in one scale. and self-preservation in the other....