Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians between two Stools in Kosovo: Strategies of Escaping the Negative Image of the Roma
Content
1.Introduction
2.Features and Self-perception of RAE in Kosovo
3.Appearance of the Ethnonyms “Ashkali” and “Egyptians”
4.RAE between the fronts
5.Consequences for RAE in Kosovo
6.Conclusion
7.References
1.Introduction
Since 1999, there has been a growing interest in minorities in Kosovo; not only inSerbs but also in Turks, Gorani, and Bosniaks and in particular inRoma, Ashkali, and Egyptians, who are named“RAE community” in Kosovo right now. They are called “Gypsies” by the majority society and enjoy guaranteed seats in the Kosovo parliament, one for each group and another one for either Roma, Ashkali, or Egyptian (depending on the votes for the respective parties) while other minorities, such as the above mentioned, have reserved seats only for their ethnic group. Using one abbreviation – RAE - for these three groups is quite confusing for scholars, politicians and the international community alike.
Few scholars have discussed the differences and relations between Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians so far. Marushiakova et al.[1]described the identity formation among minorities in Kosovo; Ger Dujizing[2]investigated when the ethnonym “Egyptian”appeared first,and how the Serbian government and the Albanian population reacted;Rubin Zemon[3]tried to prove that Egyptians are different from Roma. Except for Marushiakova, none of them mentions Ashkali who are included in the abbreviation “RAE”. Also in scientific literature concerning the history of the Roma, the term “Roma” or “Gypsies” is usually used without defining conditions of membership for this group. Ashkali and Egyptians are normally not mentioned as a subgroup. The difference and perception of Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians is also largely neglected. Other papers, usually reports of international or Human Rights organisations, concentrate on the situation of RAE in Kosovo nowadays, ignoring the differences and reasons for differentiating among them.
This paper describes and analyses the purpose of Ashkali and Egyptian’s claim to be different from Roma. This essay is partly based on results of interviews with representatives of the RAE community, partly on secondary literature about Roma/Gypsies, and partly on the self description of RAE representatives and organisations.
2.Features and Self-perception of RAE in Kosovo
Before we go into detail about the situation for “RAE community” in Kosovo since 1999, we should consider how Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptians define themselves and others:
Romaare divided into different subgroups with their own dialect and usually speak Romani at home and in their NGOs and cultural organisations. Most of themwent to schools of the majority (until 1999 to Serbian, now Albanian ones) and they are mainly Muslims in Kosovo while in other countries they can also be Orthodox, Catholic, or Protestant, depending on the religion of the majority. Roma representatives usually perceive Ashkali and Egyptians as albanized Roma and give various examples of Roma who changed their ethnonym into Egyptian or Ashkali after 1999 or even changed it several times. They also refer to the facts that RAE do not perceive each other as “gadžo” (non-Gypsy) and that a lot of inter-RAE marriages exist.[4]
Ashkaliclaim they are Albanian speaking Muslims and perceive themselves as different from Roma.They claim tohave come from Persia to the Balkans which complies with linguistic theories about Roma,having lived in Persiabefore the Islamic invasion in the 9th century,before migrating to Southeast Europevia Armenia.[5]Asking Ashkali about the difference of Ashkali and Egyptians, they usually answer the existence of two different groups isonly for political reasons, in order to receive another reserved seat for Egyptians in the parliament. Hence, they perceive Ashkali and Egyptians as the same.[6]
Egyptianorganisations refer to the myth that they came from Egypt with Alexander the Great[7] (which was long before the first source onGypsies in the Balkans appeared in the 14th century). According to them, Egyptians also live in Macedonia, Kosovo, Greece, Bulgaria, and Albania and usually speak the language of the majority while Ashkali are the Egyptians of Kosovo who were forced by the Albanian majority to identify as Ashkali.[8]Obviously, the ethnic identity of these three groups is very fluid. There are various cases of siblings claiming membership of different ethnic groups,or of people changing their ethnonym several times.[9]
3.Appearance of the Ethnonyms“Ashkali” and “Egyptians”
The ethnonyms “Ashkali” and “Egyptians” are very young and were publicly used only from the 1990s onwards, “Ashkali” even later: from 1999 on. It has not been investigated yet whether they were used orally among the community, and to what extent, prior to that date.In the 1990s,Egyptian organisations were founded in Macedonia, Kosovo, Albania and other countries where Egyptians live, asGermany and Switzerland.[10] The category “Egyptian” was introduced in Serbia(including Kosovo) as an ethnic group in the census of 1991 which was boycotted by the majority of Albanians.[11]Milošević, who was interested in decreasing the number of Albanians in Kosovo, supported the introduction of this group because Ashkali and Egyptians had apparently declared themselves to be Albanianin the censuses before.[12]A similar proof for his affiliation to Egyptians is his insisting on the participation of an Egyptian representative in Rambouillet, who took part in the Yugoslav delegation, as well as a Roma representative, in order to confirm the existence of a multicultural Kosovo. This is a reason for Albanians to dispute this category as a Serbian invention.
We see that Albanians do not accept the existence of Egyptians as part of Kosovan society. Although there were apparently already people calling themselves Ashkali before the 1990s, the number of Ashkali increased as well[13] and the ethnonym “Ashkali” appeared in public after NATO intervention and surrender of the Serbian army in 1999.
4.RAE between the fronts
Not only Egyptians but also Roma are not accepted by Albanians. When Milošević annulled the autonomy of Kosovo within the Republic of Serbia in 1989, Albanians became one of the minorities in Serbia. Since they were not allowed to teach in Albanian in secondary schools and university any longer, teachers and professors developed an underground educational system in private houses and politicians who have been removed from parliament formed a shadow government. The Albanian population boycotted elections, the census and the political and social system in Kosovo. Roma did not necessarily exclude themselves from society, still worked in state institutions, sometimes even replaced expelled Albanians and went to Serbian schools[14].
In 1999, after the intervention by NATO, Albanians seized power in Kosovo. Nowadays they control most parts of Kosovo – except the Serbian enclaves - and cooperate with UN-Institutions. Former KLA soldiers have beenintegrated in the police force. Shortly after the war, Roma as well as Egyptians and Ashkali have been expelled under the eyes of present KFOR forces (NATO troops) due to rumours that they had collaborated with the Serbian government and army.[15] The Albanian majority did not differentiate between Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians. EvenAshkali who lived with Albanians and hid with their Albanian neighbours during Serbian actions did not escape persecution after the war. These incidents are described in reports about violence against RAE,stating that Albanians were shouting “There is no place for Gypsies in Kosovo”.[16]
Another incident happened in March 2004 when Albanians wanted to avenge a child that was - according to rumours – drowned by Serbs.Approximately 4.000 people were persecuted.Among them also Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptians who left the country towards Serbia or Western European countries during the pogroms.[17]
5.Consequences for RAE in Kosovo
As we have seen, it appears unattractive nowadays (if it ever was attractive) to belong to the Roma community in Kosovo. Many Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians fled to Serbia and third countries like in 1999 as others have done beginning in the early 1990s. Rainer Mattern states that of 150.000 Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptians in Kosovo before 1999, merely 35.000 are left.[18] RAE either live in the enclaves with Serbs or among the Albanian majority in other parts of Kosovo where they usually occupy the poorest districts on the edge of towns. We see that the Albanian majority does not accept Roma as part of society either and regard RAE as one ethnic group, as ‘magjup’[19].
Therefore it appears reasonable that people rather choose to call themselves differently than Roma and highlight similarities with the Albanian majority if they have no other perspective than staying in Kosovo. This is claimed alsoin the expression that Ashkali are the “second hand of the Albanians” which means– according to Nikolaus von Holthey - “second class Albanians”.[20]Moreover, this expression indicates Ashkali affiliation to Albanian society, aiding their integration. Due to safety reasons, it is not advisable to declare oneself as Serb or Rom in some parts of Kosovo. Referring to Ashkali as an ethnic category, might increase the chance of being tolerated.
6.Conclusion
In conclusion, during ethnic conflicts and wars, a heightened national consciousness and nationalism usually arises, as was also the case in former Yugoslavia, especially in Kosovo. As history plays an important role in Southeastern Europe, minorities adapt the strategy of the majority nations to refer to an old history in order to prove their right ofexistence in this territory.
Roma never had a good reputation in Europe and especially not in Kosovo nowadays, as they are suspected in having collaborated with Serbian police and government in Kosovo during the 1990s, and having taken part in plundering. Therefore it seems logical that parts of this group do not want to be identified with Roma in order to live safely and without being a victim of revenge from Albanians. But also being “Egyptian” is no solution for escaping the image of collaborator, since Egyptians are suspected of collaboration as well because of support by Milošević for introducing their ethnonym in the census and participation in Rambouillet. Referring to a third ethnic group, Ashkali,might helpto avoid the negative stereotypes about Gypsies. Though, if it is really safer to be Ashkali than Rom, however, remains yet to be proven.
7.References
Duijzings, Ger: Religion and the Politics of Identity in Kosovo. London 2000.
Duijzings, Ger: Die Erschaffung von Ägyptern in Kosovo und Makedonien. In: Brunnbauer,
Ulf (ed.): Umstrittene Identitäten: Ethnizität und Nationalität in Südosteuropa.
Frankfurt a.M. u.a. 2002.
Marushiakova, Elena: Identity formation among minorities in the Balkans. The cases of
Roms, Egyptians and Ashkali in Kosovo. Sofia 2001.
Mattern, Rainer: Kosovo. Zur Situation der Roma-Gemeinschaften
(Roma/Ashkali/ÄgypterInnen). Bern 25.7.2005
Tscherenkov, Lev/Laedrich, Stéphane: The Rroma. Otherwise known as Gypsies, Gitanos,
Gyphtoi,Tsiganes, Tigani, Çingene, Zigeuner, Bohémiens, Travellers, Fahrende.
Basel 2004.
Verein der Balkanägypter: Geschichte.
(06.11.2008).
von Holthey, Nikolaus: Zwei Reisen zur Erkundung der Lage der Ashkali und Roma im
Kosovo. 1999. (06.11.2008)
Zemon; Rubin: Ethnologische, historische und archäologische Angaben über den Ursprung
der Ägypter auf der Balkanhalbinsel.Tirana 1998
Claudia Lichnofsky, Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen
1
[1]Marushiakova /et. al/: Identity formation among minorities in the Balkans. The cases of Romas (?), Egyptians and Ashkali in Kosovo. Sofia 2001.
[2] Dujizing, Ger: Religion and the Politics of Identity in Kosovo. London 2000.
Duijzings, Ger: Die Erschaffung von Ägyptern in Kosovo und Makedonien. In: Brunnbauer, Ulf (ed.): Umstrittene Identitäten: Ethnizität und Nationalität in Südosteuropa. Frankfurt a.M. u.a. 2002.
[3]Zemon, Rubin: Ethnologische, historische und archäologische Angaben über den Ursprung der Ägypter auf der Balkanhalbinsel. /written presentation/ Tirana 1999.
[4] Cf. Results of field studies (Interviews with RAE representatives) in Kosovo in summer 2008.
[5] Cf. Tscherenkov, Lev/Laedrich, Stéphane: The Rroma: otherwise known as Gypsies, Gitanos, Gyphtoi, Tsiganes, Tigani, Çingene, Zigeuner, Bohémiens, Travellers, Fahrende. Basel 2004, p. 17ff.
[6]Cf. Results of field studies (Interviews with RAE representatives) in Kosovo in summer 2008.
[7]Cf. Verein der Balkanägypter o.A.: Geschichte. At: (6.11.2008).
[8] Marushiakova, Elena /et al./: Identity formation among minorities. The cases of Roms, Ashkali and Egyptians in Kosovo. Sofia 2001, p. 5.
[9]Cf. Marushiakova, Elena /et al./: Identity formation among minorities in the Balkans. The cases of Roms, Egyptians and Ashkali in Kosovo. Sofia 2001, p. 7.
[10]Cf. Verein der Balkanägypter: Geschichte. At: (6.11.2008).
[11]Cf. Duijzings, Ger: Die Erschaffung von Ägyptern in Kosovo und Makedonien. In: Brunnbauer, Ulf (ed.): Umstrittene Identitäten: Ethnizität und Nationalität in Südosteuropa. Frankfurt a.M u.a. 2002, p. 132.
[12]ibid p. 135.
[13]Cf. Results of field studies (Interviews with RAE representatives) in Kosovo in summer 2008.
[14]Cf. Mattern, Rainer: Kosovo. Zur Situation der Roma-Gemeinschaften (Roma/Ashkali/ÄgypterInnen). Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe (Hg.). Bern 2005, p. 4.
[15]Cf. Mattern, Rainer: Kosovo. Zur Situation der Roma-Gemeinschaften (Roma/Ashkali/ÄgypterInnen). Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe (Hg.). Bern 2005, p. 5.
[16]Cf. von Holthey, Nikolaus: Zwei Reisen zur Erkundung der Lage der Ashkali und Roma im Kosovo. 1999 (6.11.2008).
[17]Cf. Mattern, Rainer: Kosovo. Zur Situation der Roma-Gemeinschaften (Roma/Ashkali/ÄgypterInnen). Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe (Hg.). Bern 2005, p. 6.
[18] Cf. ibd. p. 3
[19] Gypsy
[20]Cf. von Holthey, Nikolaus:Zwei Reisen zur Erkundung der Lage der Ashkali und Roma im Kosovo.
1999.