The Relationship between Gender and the Nature of Conflict in Young Children 1
The Relationship between Gender and the Nature of Conflict in Young Children
Max Wang
IB Psychology Year 1
29 September 2009
Words: 1783
Abstract
The aim of this observation was to study the differences in the nature of conflict between boys and between girls in a naturalistic setting. It was hypothesized that conflicts between boys and boys would display a greater frequency of physically aggressive behaviour than those between girls and girls. Two observers watched a kindergarten class during their morning recess for frequency in elements of behaviour pertaining to physical, verbal and non verbal reactions to conflict. The cause of conflict and notes on the resolution of each conflict were also recorded. The results showed a dramatic difference between the frequency of conflict between boys and between girls, as well as the nature and reactions to these conflicts. Conflicts between boys were more physically aggressive, more frequent, and less long-lasting than those between girls, who engaged in more relational aggression with greater emotional consequences. The observers concluded that the children’s behaviour conformed to the gender schema present among young children in regards to aggression.
Introduction
This naturalistic observation was designed to study the differences in conflict between boys and between girls among young children on a playground. A study conducted by Giles et al. (2005) concluded that at a very young age, children associate different forms of aggression with different genders. Specifically, it was found that young children associate physical aggression (such as hitting, kicking, and punching) mainly to boys and relational aggression (such as refusing to play with someone) mainly to girls. In this study, young children were observed without interference to see if their behaviour on a playground in regards to conflict corresponded to the gender schema of other children presented in previous studies (see Giles et al., 2005). We hypothesized that, in keeping with gender schemas demonstrated in previous studies (see Giles et al., 2005), conflicts where both participants were boys would display a greater frequency of physically aggressive behaviour than conflicts where both participants were girls.
Method
Design
A naturalistic observation was carried out in order to study the behaviour of young children in a way that was relevant and could be applied to the assessment of their natural behaviour. Ethical considerations involved the need to inform and request permission from the elementary school principal and playground supervisors. A letter of request (Appendix A) was sent to and approved by Ms. McVean, the Elementary principal. The children were not harmed or recorded digitally, and all interactions with the children were kept to a minimum.
Observation was conducted from the side of the playground and an effort was made to not communicate verbally with the children. Playground supervisors were informed of the need to remain uninvolved, and were asked to return the children to their peers should they attempt to converse with us.
In regards to data collecting, we engaged in continuous observation through event sampling for individual cases, as it was observed in a preliminary observation that instances involving conflict occurred somewhat infrequently. The nature of the conflict was recorded (fighting over an object, a verbal argument, a physical conflict, or a relational conflict such as ostracizing). Aggressive behaviour/ behaviour representative of conflict was operationalized into three categories of specific behaviour that could be watched for: oral reactions (name calling, crying, telling, reasoning), non-oral reactions (feet stamping, sulking, pouting, hiding), and physical aggression (kicking/punching, shoving, hair pulling, slapping). Notes were then made to describe the specific situation.
Participants
The sample population consisted of 20-30 Kindergarteners aged 4-6 years old attending Shanghai American School Pudong Campus. Participants varied between sessions depending on class schedule, but two of the classes were present for both schedules. Boys and girls were represented to a relatively similar degree. The population consisted of mainly Asian and Caucasian children of middle to upper-middle class income families.
Materials
Permission for observation was requested in the form of a letter to the Elementary School Principal (Appendix A), which upon approval was shown to playground supervisors with a request to observe the children. Ms. McVean also sent a supplementary letter of approval (Appendix B)
A coding sheet was used to operationalize the behaviour of the children (Appendix C). Two copies of the coding sheets, one of conflicts between boys, and one of conflicts between girls were used to record the operationalized behaviour (Appendix D, Appendix E).
Procedure
Permission was requested and approved by the elementary school principal and the teachers on duty at the playground (Appendix A).
Two approximately 35 minute observation sessions were conducted between 9:45am and 10:20am. Observation took place in the surrounded outdoor playground of the elementary division of Shanghai American School Pudong Campus from a bench on the side of the playground facing the play equipment.
Two coding lists were used to record specific instances of aggressive behaviour. One list (Appendix D) pertained to conflicts involving two boys, and the other (Appendix E) to conflicts involving two girls. Each list was given to a separate recorder in order to maximize his or her ability to discern individual cases of conflict and aggressive behaviour.
The observers watched the playground for instances of conflict. Physical or verbal ‘aggression’ that involved joking around (usually denoted by laugher or smiles) was not recorded, as aggressive intent was not involved. Indicators of severity included the need of the teacher to intervene, crying, sulking, or particularly harsh language or actions. For each case of conflict, the nature of the conflict was recorded (fighting over an object, a verbal argument, a physical conflict, or a relational conflict such as ostracizing) notes were made to clarify in case of cause that didn’t correspond completely to our description. Then, tally marks were made beside individual behaviours in a single column in accordance to their frequency. At the bottom of the column, notes were made describing the conflict, and putting the elements of behaviour in context, including how the conflict was resolved.
Results
Table 1: Frequency in Causes of ConflictCause / Boys / Girls
Object / 1 / 0
Verbal / 0 / 0
Physical / 3 / 0
Relational / 0 / 1
Undetermined / 1 / 0
Total / 5 / 1
Table 1: Frequency in Types of Reaction
Type of Reaction / Total Frequency / Notes
Oral Reaction / Boys: 3 / Boys: 1 case of crying, 1 case of screaming, 1 case of telling
Girls: 3 / Girls: 3 cases of attempting to reason
Non-Oral Reaction / Boys: 2 / Boys: 1 case of sulking, 1 case of pouting
Girls: 4 / Girls: 2 cases of sulking, 1 case of pouting, 1 case of ostracizing
Physical Aggression / Boys: 5 / Boys: 1 case of shoving, 4 cases of punching/kicking
Girls: 1 / Girls: 1 case of pushing
Mode: [Boys: Physical Aggression, 5] [Girls: Non-Oral Reactions, 4]
Discussion
The present study corresponds with those of Giles et al. (2005). Its results suggest that boys are inclined towards physical aggression towards other boys while girls tend to be relationally aggressive towards other girls. Also, the difference in frequency of conflict between boys and between girls (5:1) suggests that boys engage in conflict more frequently than girls. (Table 1). The difference in frequency, however, also affects the capacity by which the elements of behaviour in the conflicts can be compared. It must be considered that the following conclusions are drawn from a small sample of data, which may or may not accurately reflect the outcomes resulting from a more extensive study.
The boy-boy conflicts lasted up to 3 minutes each. In the 5 cases of conflict recorded, three were instigated by physicality, and all but one was resolved by a teacher. There were 5 cases of physical aggression, 3 cases of oral reactions, and 2 cases of non-oral reactions. (Table 2). The encounters were for the most part brief, and had little effect on the other children in the playground. Afterwards, the boys involved in the conflict returned to playing. Little indication was given that anything had changed.
The single observed case of conflict involving two girls lasted for between 15 and 20 minutes and affected many others of the children. Girl1’s friend, Girl 2 was on a bike with another girl, and would not play with Girl 1. Girl 1’s jealousy was evident, as she stood in front of the bike and refused to let it pass, pushing it backwards slightly. She pouted as she attempted to reason with Girl 2. The paths of many other bikes were obstructed by the scene, and soon, the peers of the two girls attempted to mediate. Girl 1, however, would not accept interference, and resumed her earlier tactics. Girl 2 then told Girl 1 that she couldn’t play. Girl 1 walked away then, sulking. It was ten minutes until Girl 1 attempted reconciliation. Girl 2 rebuffed her, and Girl 1 sulked by herself for the remainder of the session.
In the conflict involving the two girls, responses consisted of 4 instances of non-oral passive reactions such as pouting, sulking, and ostracizing, along with three separate attempts at reasoning. Some physical aggression was manifested through the holding of the bike, but no physical aggression was directed directly at either girl (Table 2).
Through this data, we can infer that boys react physically more than through any other means, and that the amount of physical aggression exceeds that which girls display. Our results support the claim that the perceptions of young children about the relationship between gender and aggression result from scenarios that they witness (Giles et al., 2005). One could infer that differences in aggression lead to differences in perception between girl-girl conflict and boy-boy conflict, but also that the gender schema that young children have lead them to conform to that perceived gender role. Perhaps the way that children respond to distressing stimuli depending on gender is a result of their gender schema.
I find the most interesting aspect of our observations to be the difference in weight each instance of conflict bears, as well as the similarities between the reactions of young children to those expected of older children of the same gender. Though there was only a single recorded case of conflict between two girls, the event lasted longer than any of the boy-boy conflicts. Also, the conflict affected other peers in the form of a traffic jam. The girls involved seemed more emotionally affected while boys involved in conflict continued to play as if nothing had happened. This similarity to behaviour observed in high school might suggest that behaviours such as reactions to aggression are learned and adapted from young.
As a naturalistic observation study, our design allowed us to collect data that was relevant, and correlated to the natural behaviour of children in a playground. A limitation of our design, however, was that as in other studies of similar purpose (see Giles et al., 2005), the sample size was relatively small and focused on a particular range of social class. Also, sample size varied between sessions, which could have affected group dynamics. In future studies, participants should be further diversified in regards to ethnicity and income, and sample size should be congruent between sessions in order to better perceive trends pertaining to all humans and to determine which aspects of behaviour belong to only certain groups.
It was beneficial to data collecting for two recorders to be present. Because of the number of children running in circles, it was difficult to follow everyone at once, though having two sets of eyes made the process easier. Another drawback of observation was that one of the observer’s little brother, who recognized both of the recorders, interacted directly with us. A teacher ameliorated the situation by telling him to return to his friends. Though the children appeared to be behaving naturalistically, our presence in the playground undoubtedly had an effect on them. Because of this fact, it is important to note that there is an element of uncertainty associated to the data we collected.
To facilitate distinct behavioural patterns, this observation focused on the interactions between boy-boy pairs and girl-girl pairs. Further research should prompt an investigation of cross-genderal conflict and the individual reactions based on instigator/victim relationship. It would also be interesting to compare the behaviours observed in young children with those of older boys and girls. This might establish a link between the groups and suggest how development of emotional coping mechanisms and reactions evolve with age.
Conclusion
The present evidence suggests that conflicts at the kindergarten level between boys and between girls conform to the gender schema of aggression present among young children: boys are more physically aggressive and girls are more relationally aggressive. The study also suggests early division in reactions to conflict, as girls appear to be more affected by the emotional conflict they encounter. The study provides evidence that boys and girls are inherently different, even from a young age, though whether that is a result of our own socio-cultural definitions is unclear.
References
Giles, J., & Heyman, G. (2005, January). Young Children's Beliefs About the Relationship Between Gender