THE POLITICS OF AUTHORITARIANISM:
THE STATE AND POLITICAL SOLDIERS IN
BURMA, INDONESIA, AND THAILAND
By
Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe
M.A., University of British Columbia, 1990
B.A., University of Rangoon, 1961
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
in
THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
(Department of Political Science)
We accept this thesis as conforming
to the required standard
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THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
September 1997
Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe, 1997
ABSTRACT
This thesis investigates the impact of military rule on the state and society by looking at three cases from the same geographical region -- Burma, Indonesia, and Thailand -- that have experienced military intervention and military rule. The thesis is framed by a number of questions: Why does the military sometimes decide to stay on to run the state after it intervenes? What happens to the military, its leaders, and most importantly, the state and society when the military reorganizes the state into a military-authoritarian order? What are the political outcomes of military rule in terms of state autonomy? How can the political variations -- the extent of military penetration into the state order -- between military regimes be explained?
This thesis has found that there are three vital factors influencing the military's decision, having intervened, to stay on to rule the country. The most important factor is the emergence of an extraordinary military strongman-ruler. The second, and related, factor is military unity -- forged and maintained by the strongman-ruler and bound by the myth that the soldiers are the guardians and saviors of the state. The military supports the ruler and is in turn rewarded by him, and becomes a privileged class. Together they dominate and control other state and societal forces. In fact, while military-authoritarian states are highly autonomous from society, it is clear that the state is not well insulated from abuse by its own elites. The third factor is the extent to which the strongman-ruler is constrained by having to share power with an unimpeachable force (a person, ideal, or myth). This thesis has found that military rulers in Thailand have been constrained because of the person and the role of the monarch.
This thesis has also found significant variations in military-authoritarian states. They range from a nearly pure praetorian example to a tentative quasi-democratic set up -- resulting from historical circumstances combined with the vision, political will and astuteness of the strongman-ruler, his concern with his legacy, and the presence or not of an important constraining force. The military has played a dominant role in politics in Burma and Indonesia since the 1960s; in Thailand, it has been in and out of power since the 1930s. It has become apparent from this research that, although the global democratization trend is hopeful, it is not so easy to get a politicized military to go back to the barracks to stay.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract ...... ii
Glossary ...... v
Acknowledgement ...... x
CHAPTER ONE: ...... 1
INTRODUCTION: SOLDIERS OR POLITICIANS?
CHAPTER TWO: ...... 29
THE MILITARY AND THE STATE
CHAPTER THREE: ...... 66
BURMA: MILITARY INTERVENTION AND THE POLITICS OF
AUTHORITARIAN DOMINATION
CHAPTER FOUR: ...... 141
INDONESIA: MILITARY INTERVENTION AND THE POLITICS
OF AUTHORITARIAN DOMINATION
CHAPTER FIVE: ...... 210
THAILAND: MILITARY INTERVENTION AND THE POLITICS
OF AUTHORITARIAN DOMINATION
CHAPTER SIX: ...... 276
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION: THE POLITICS OF
AUTHORITARIAN DOMINATION
BIBLOGRAPHY ...... 306-332
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GLOSSARY
B U R M A :
Abha -- Revered Father (a term used by soldiers in reference to Ne Win)
AFPFL -- Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League
Adipati -- Supreme Leader (a title adopted by Dr.Ba Maw)
Anya-Manya Th'bawtra -- Burmese Socialist doctrine (See SCME)
Bama Pri-Ma -- Bama Mother-country
Bama Tatmadaw -- The Burma Army (or Tatmadaw)
Baungbee-khyot -- Ex-military officer (Burmese slang)
BCP -- Burma Communist Party (the White Flag Communist of Thakin Than Tun),
BDA -- Burma Defence Army, the forerunner of the current Burma Army
BIA -- Burma Independence Army, the forerunnerof the current Burma Army
BNA -- Burma National Army, the predecessor of the current Burma Army
Bo -- (Bama and Shan), A military leader
Bogyoke -- (Military rank) General
Bogyoke-Wungyi -- General-Minister
BSPP -- Burmese Socialist Program Party, or Lanzin Party
Chaofa -- (Shan) Ruling prince
CPB -- Communist Party, Burma (Red Flag Communist of Thakin Soe).
DAB -- Democratic Alliance of Burma
Dobama Asi-Ayone -- We Bama Movement (Dobama)
DSI -- The Defence Service Institute
DDSI -- The Directorate of Defence Service Intelligence
Duwa -- (Kachin) ruling chief
KIA -- Kachin Independence Army
KKY -- ( Ka-Kwe-Ye): Homeguard units
KMT -- (Kuomintang): Nationalist Chinese of Chiang Kai-shek
KNU -- Karen National Union
LORC -- Law and Order Restoration Committee
Lu-Myo -- Race, nation, humankind
Luptha-Prithu -- The working people
MIS (Em-I) -- Military Intelligence Service
Mranma Sosheilit Lanzin Party -- The Burmese Socialist Program Party (BSPP)
NCGUB -- National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma
NLD -- National League for Democracy
NSA -- National Solidarity Association
NUF -- National Unity Front
NUP -- National Unity Party
The Panglong Agreement -- An Agreement signed in 1947, forming the basis of the 1947-48 Constitution of the Union of Burma
PBF -- Patriotic Burmese Force
Pri -- (or Pyi, Burmese) country
Prithu Hluttaw -- People's Parliament
Prithu-Yebaw -- People's Volunteer Organization (PVO)
Pyinnya-tat -- An educated person
Rakhine People's Liberation Organization -- A Rakhine rebel army
RC -- The Revolutionary Council (1962-1974)
SAC -- Security and Administrative Committee
Saw-phaya -- (Karenni) Ruling prince
SCME -- System of Correlation of Man and His Environment
SLORC -- State Law and Order Restoration Council
SSA -- Shan State Army
SNLD -- Shan National League for Democracy
Thakin -- (Burmese) Master, overlord
Union Party -- A political party led by U Nu (1960-1962)
USDA -- Union Solidarity Development Association
T H A I L A N D :
BPP -- Border Patrol Police
The Chakri dynasty -- The currently reigning royal house
Chart -- Nation
Chart Thai Party -- The Thai Nation Party
Class 5 -- Fifth graduating class of the Military Academy after the adoption of the West Point curriculum
CPT -- The Communist Party of Thailand
FFT -- Farmers Federation of Thailand
Isan -- The Northeastern region
ISOC -- Internal Security Operation Command
Kharatchakarn -- Officials, civil servants, bureaucrats
Luang -- A title bestowed on high official (no longer current)
Muang Thai -- Informal term for Thailand
Nak-phendin -- Those "uselessly weighing down the earth", a term applied to leftists and radicals in 1973-76
NAP -- New Aspiration Party (of Chaovalit Yongchaiyuth, the current Prime Minister)
Nawapol -- A rightwing organization of the urban middle and upper class
NSCT -- National Students Centre of Thailand
Phu-noi -- "Small" people; an "inferior", or subordinate person(s)
Phu-yai -- "Big" man; a "superior" person(s)
Prachachon -- The People
Prathet Thai -- Formal term for Thailand
Ramwong -- A popular folk dance
Rath Niyom -- Cultural Edicts of Pibul Songkhram
Red Gaur -- A rightwing para-military body of vocational students
Sangchat -- Nation-building
SAP -- Social Action Party
Sawasdi -- A term of greeting
Seri Thai -- The Anti-Japanese ("Free Thai") Movement
Siam -- The name of the country before "Thailand" was adopted in 1939.
UTPP -- The United Thai People's Party
Village Scouts -- A royal-sponsored civil-action organization
The Young Turks -- A radical officers group
I N D O N E S I A :
Abangan -- nominal Muslim
ABRI -- Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia, the current Armed Forces
Adat -- Customary law
Aksi Sepihak -- Unilateral action
BKR -- Bandan Keamanan Rakyat, a forerunner of ABRI
BAKIN -- State Intelligence Coordinating Body
BAKORSTANAS -- National Stability Coordination Board
Budi Utomo -- An early nationalist organization or movement
Bupati -- Regent, administrator
Dharma Wanita -- The official Women's body
DPA -- Supreme Advisory Council
DPR -- Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Parliament
Dwi Fungsi -- Dual Function
Dwi-Tunggal -- Joint Leadership (of Sukarno and Hatta)
The Fifth Force -- A force of armed workers and peasants
Gerwani -- Women's Militia (of the PKI)
Gestapu -- The 30 September Movement
Golkar -- Golongan Karya, Functional Groups (the government's party)
Gotong Royong -- Mutual assistance
HANKAM -- Department of Defence and Security
Hizb'ulla -- Army of Allah
HMI -- Islam University Students Association
ICMI -- Association of Muslim Intellectuals
IGGI -- Inter-Governmental Group on Indonesia
Inkopad -- The Army's trading firm
IP-KI -- The League of Upholders of Indonesian Independence
KAMI -- Indonesian Students Action Group
Konfrontasi -- Confrontation with Malaysia, "Crush Malaysia" campaign
KOPKAMTIB -- Operation Command for the Restoration of Security and Order
KORPRI -- Civil Servants Association
KOTI -- Supreme Operation Command ("Crush Malaysia" campaign)
KNIL -- The Royal Netherlands Indies Army
KNIP -- Central Indonesian National Committee
KOSTAD -- Strategic Reserve Command
Laskar Rakyat -- People's Militia (of the PKI)
LBH -- Legal Aid Society
LPSM -- Institute for Promoting Self-Reliant Community Development
LSM -- Self-Reliant Community Development Institute
MANIPOL -- The Political Manifesto of 1959
Marhaenism -- Sukarno's Creed of the "Little People"
Masjumi -- The Council of Indonesian Muslim Associations
MKGR -- Family Mutual Help Association
MPR -- Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, People's Consultative Assembly
Mufakat -- Consensus
Murba -- The Proletarian Party; a communist faction of Tan Malaka and Adam Malik
Musyawara -- Consultation
NASAKOM -- Nationalism, Religion, and Communism
Nekolim -- The forces of Neocolonialism, Colonialism, and Imperialism
NU -- Nahdlatul Ulama (Council of Muslim Scholars)
P4 -- Pancasila Indoctrination
Pancasila -- Five Ideological Principles
Pemuda -- Politicized youth, youth movement
Perhimpunan Indonesia -- The Indonesian Association
Pertamina -- National Oil and Gas Mining Agency
PETA -- Volunteer Force for the Defence of Java, a forerunner of ABRI
Petisi 50 -- Petition 50 group
PDI -- Indonesian Democratic Party (the non-Islamic party)
PKI -- Communist Party of Indonesia
PNI -- Partai Nasional Indonesia, or Indonesian National Party
PPP -- Development Unity Party (the Islamic Party)
PPPKI -- Permufakatan Perhimpunan Politik Kebangsaan (Committee for the Preparation of Indonesian Independence)
PRRI -- The Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia
Priyayi -- The official class (roughly, an aristocracy)
PSI -- The Socialist Party of Indonesia
Rakyat -- The People, the common people, the masses
Santri -- Strict or devout Muslim
Sarekat Islam -- The Islamic Union
Sekber Golkar -- Joint-Secretariat of Functional groups
SOB -- State of Siege; Martial Law
SOBSI -- Central Organization of All Indonesian Workers
SOKSI -- Central Organization of Indonesian Socialist Workers
Supersemar -- Letter of March 11 (1966)
TKR -- Tentara Keamanan Rakyat, a forerunner of ABRI
TKR -- Tentara Keselamatan Rakyat, a forerunner ABRI
TNI -- Tentara Nasional Indonesia, a forerunner of ABRI
TRI -- Tentara Republik Indonesia, a forerunner of ABRI
USDEK -- The 1945 Constitution, Indonesian Socialism, Guided Democracy,
Guided Economy, and Indonesian Ideology
VOC -- (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) The Netherlands East India
Company
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The production of this dissertation, like all such labor, has been very rigorous and difficult, involving years of thoughts, occasional "road-blocks", and being "unlinked" from "real" life and "normal" people. It could not therefore have been completed without the kindness and support of many people, especially my family: Nu Nu, Sawan, and Onjana.
First of all, I owe much to Professor Diane Mauzy who -- despite the inconveniences I must have caused, academically or otherwise -- has been long-suffering and kindly constructive, making my work much, much better. I also owe much to Professor R.Stephen Milne for his help and great wisdom. Much gratitude is owed to Professors John Wood, Phillip Resnick, Robert Jackson, and Terry McGee, members of my supervisory committee. I would also like to thank the "three pillars" of the department: Dory Urbano, Nancy Mina, and Petula Muller, who were always helpful and cheerful, and also the department's "higher-ups" for providing me from time to time with what is the life-blood of a graduate student, a Teaching Assistantship. I also owe much to fellow graduate students for their stimulating presence.
Because they contributed enormously to my intellectual growth, I am much indebted to Professors Alexander Woodside (History), Terry McGee (Geography), Y.C. Chang (Sociology), and to Lonny Carlile, especially, and Diane Mauzy, Philip Resnick, and John Wood (Political Science). They have not only inspired but have taught me well the art of rigorous analysis and the meaning of scholarship.
The works of scholars and analysts on the countries I have examined -- Burma, Thailand, and Indonesia -- have been invaluable. I am grateful to these scholars not only for the insights they provided and the challenge posed, but also for the opportunity to communicate with them. Warm thanks therefore to Drs. Chai-anan Samudavanija (in more than one way), Kusuma Sanitwongse, Suchit Bunbongkarn, Sulak Sivaraksa, Ben Anderson, Mochtar Pabottingi, Harold Crouch, William Liddle, Nurcholish Madjid, John Girling, Chandran Jeshurun, Josef Silverstein, Mya Maung, Mya Than, Khin Maung Gyi, Tin Maung Maung Than, Michael Aung-Thwin and Robert Taylor. Deep thanks to Bertil Lintner, Martin Smith, Anussorn Thavisorn, and Generals Sudibyo, Dr.Ben M'boy, and Mahaeson Kasemsant for their helpful insights. My gratitude also to Khin Maung Nyunt (former Lieutenant, Burma Army), Dr.Myint Maung, Zarni, Zaw-Oo, Dr.Kyin Swee, and compatriots overseas who, sadly, cannot all be thanked openly.
I am greatly indebted to the Department of History for the Frederic Soward Foundation Award in 1990, the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada for a doctoral Fellowship in 1991-1994, and the Canada-ASEAN Research Travel Grant, for a grant which allowed me to visit Southeast Asian again on a field research trip in 1993. In the above regard, my gratitude to the late Dr.Kernial Sandhu of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, and as well the Institute's helpful and cheerful staff, and Dr. Pat Lim, Mr. Tee Teo Lee, and a host of scholars and experts I have had the good fortune to interact with while at the Institute.
My research trip to Southeast Asia was much facilitated by the kindness of fellow Canadians, Francis and Jackie Tjia, who offered me guidance and unstinting hospitality, and Eugene Galbraith (an American) in Jakarta. Unrepayable thanks is owed to Marcel and Elizabeth Tjia; U Kyaw Myint and Shirley Khun Kyi; and Sai Yee Leik and Angelina, Bertil and and Hsengnong Lintner for their unstinting hos-pitality in Singapore and Bangkok; and to Shan compatriots in Thailand. Much thanks to Mr. Pao Lo Lim and Jenny (Vancouver), and Mrs. Julie Forbush (Seattle), for their interest and friendship. My gratitude also to Khun Chamchit Laohavad and Khun Oun Chutima, who have always been gracious and helpful, no questions asked.
Last, but not the least, I am grateful for having an understanding wife, Nu Nu Myint, who gave, without any reservation, more than moral support, and to my son and daughter, Sawan and Onjana, for their excellent and undemanding behavior despite being full-fledged Canadian teenagers.
[u1]
THE POLITICS OF AUTHORITARIAN DOMINATION:
THE STATE AND POLITICAL SOLDIERS IN
BURMA, INDONESIA, AND THAILAND
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION: SOLDIERS OR POLITICIANS?
Political Soldiers in Burma, Thailand, and Indonesia
The purpose of this study which I have undertaken of the phenomenon of military intervention in three Southeast Asian countries -- Burma, Indonesia, and Thailand -- is to examine, one, what happens to the military, its leaders, and especial-ly to the state and society when the military intervenes and decides to stay and to re-organize the state? And two, how the political outcomes resulting from military intervention and its reorganization of politics in such states, which are not identical, can be explained?
The phenomenon of soldiers’ intervention in politics and the business of the state is not a very exceptional one in most of the Third World.[1] This has prompted Charles Kennedy and David Louscher to note that over three-fourths of the states created since 1945 have experienced direct military rule.[2] In many, the military’s role in politics has been significant. It has become in many Third World countries as important, at least, as other state institutions, such as civil bureaucracies, legislatures, the courts, etc.[3] However, as Kennedy and Louscher argue, theories bearing upon the issue of civilian-military interaction have "not kept pace with [the] welter of data", and none of the models proposed thus far can adequately explain the rich diversity of forms and styles of civilian-military interaction in many "new" states.[4]
In Burma, Indonesia, and Thailand, the men on horseback --to borrow the title of Samuel Finer’s classic study[5] -- have been active, even dominant, in politics and the state for decades: from 1932 in the case of Thailand, and from the late 1950s in Burma and Indonesia. In the last two, the armed forces were from the onset as much political as military forces. They had their roots in politics, coming into existence during World War II as nationalist "armies"; they were made up of politicized (and needless to say, ambitious) young men mobilized by Japan during World War II.[6] The militaries subsequently mythologized their role in the "independence struggle" and now see themselves as creator-guardians of the state and "nation".[7] After independence -- Burma in 1948, Indonesia in 1949 -- soldiers were closely involved in the respective struggles of the new rulers to maintain power and preserve the territorial integrity of the "new" states.[8] By the mid-, to late-1950s, they had established themselves as relatively autonomous power centres to which governments were beholden.