Policy Statement on Commercial Sex Workers and Social Work Practice
(Original Title: Prostitution and Sex Work)
New Policy Statement
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Lacey M. Sloan, Ph.D., MSSW, BSW
Muskie School of Public Service
400 Congress St., 5th floor
Portland, ME 04101
207.780.5853
(fax) 207.780.5817
Stephanie Wahab, Ph.D., MSW
Graduate School of Social Work
Portland State University
Portland, OR
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Supported by the Maine Chapter
Abstract
From Jane Addams to present day, social workers have worked with individuals engaged in the commercial sex industry. There is a continuum of experiences, research, and theories on commercial sex work. Following the Code of Ethics, we acknowledge:
l racism, sexism, and classism as it intersects in the lives of commercial sex workers;
l the violence perpetrated against many individuals engaged in the commercial sex industry;
l the need for women’s equality, and
l that commercial sex workers, like all people, have the right to dignity and self-determination.
Furthermore, we join the National Organization of Women and the United Nations in calling for an end to the arrest commercial sex workers.
Rationale
For most of the past hundred years, social workers have been involved in efforts to rescue and/or protect commercial sex workers. Although few social service programs provide services specifically to commercial sex workers, social workers provide services to some commercial sex workers through correctional, AFDC, domestic violence, rape crisis, substance abuse, public health and HIV/AIDS related programs. However, because commercial sex workers rarely disclose their occupation to social service providers for fear of stigma and arrest (Boyer et. al, 1993; Weiner, 1996), social workers don't always know when a client is involved in the commercial sex industry, limiting the social worker's ability to meet the needs of clients that are specific to commercial sex work. Commercial sex workers who are homeless, addicted to drugs or have serious health conditions may be unable to hide their status as sex workers (Weiner). Those who reveal their status as commercial sex workers may be turned away from social service programs (like domestic violence shelters or long term alcohol and drug treatment) out of fear that they will compromise the programs by continuing to trade sex for drugs or money (Weiner). Commercial sex workers who are victims of crime often do not receive appropriate criminal justice response and are ineligible for certain crime victim’s assistance (e.g., crime victim’s compensation). Few services exist to support commercial sex workers who remain in the commercial sex industry despite the fact that some of them may be in need of social services.
This policy statement by NASW supports key principles to ensure that social workers provide critical services to commercial sex workers.
Background
Since the beginnings of our profession, social workers have worked with prostitutes and individuals engaged in commercial sex work. Sex work is a term coined within the past two decades that is inclusive of many activities in which resources are exchanged for sexual stimulation or gratification (World Health Organization, 1994). The term sex work, or commercial sex work, is generally understood to include a wide range of behaviors and venues, and includes, but is not limited to, stripping, street prostitution, brothel prostitution, paid domination, and sexual massage (Network of Sex Work Projects). For the purposes of inclusion, the term commercial sex work is used here.
Trafficking is another term often used interchangeably with forced prostitution, although trafficking is much broader than sexual trafficking and is defined by the United Nations as the illegal or illicit movement of people through force or coercion (2000). Trafficking is a separate issue that will not be addressed in this policy.
A variety of ideological and theoretical orientations have ruled social workers involvement with commercial sex workers, from desires to rescue ‘fallen women’ from the clutches of male sexual aggression to feminists' belief that they control their own bodies and sexuality. In the 1800’s, in the area of sexual morality, friendly visitors saw their task as controlling male sexual aggression and protecting women from male sexual aggression because society did not have a place for women who had lost their virtue (Boyer, 1978; Rothman; 1978). These reformers rejected sexual liberalism which they believed always translated into the sexual exploitation of women.
With the onset of W.W.I, war propaganda stigmatized the prostitute as diseased and predatory, a woman who "could do more harm than any German fleet of airplanes" (Hobson, 1987, p. 165). Women engaged in settlement work and other types of community service were called upon to help fight the war of disease on the home front by operating “volunteer hostess clubs that offered wholesome entertainment near training camps; they acted as chaperones for servicemen and single women at public dances" (Hobson, p. 166).
During the 1920s, social workers tried to rehabilitate ‘fallen women’ by changing their personalities through casework and therapy. Social workers used interventions that focused on the individual. As long as the causes of prostitution lay with the individual, then it could be eliminated if only all of the ‘fallen women’ could be redeemed.
For 40 years after W.W.I the discourse on prostitution was largely shaped by psychiatrists who considered that the causes of prostitution could be traced back to the individual ‘neurotic,’ ‘frigid’ and/or ‘masochistic’ female (Hobson, 1987). Not until the cultural and social protests of the 1960s and 1970s did prostitution again become an issue of sexual politics or social justice, and many of the conflicts in class and gender politics that had inhibited change in the past would work against change in the future (Hobson, 1987). A huge gap exists in the social work literature on prostitution from the 1960-1980s. Despite a call for more attention to diverse social issues--women's rights and prostitution included--social work practice with commercial sex workers remained focused on individual weaknesses.
In the 1970’s, commercial sex workers around the world began organizing for safety and respect. Many commercial sex workers argue that it is their illegal status that increases their vulnerability to violence, exploitation and disease. With the rise of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, commercial sex workers once again became scapegoated for the spread of sexually transmitted diseases (Sacks, 1996). Many commercial sex workers are unable to enforce the use of condoms and are therefore at greater risk for HIV/AIDS and other sexual transmitted infections (WHO, 2001).
Social workers in almost any setting may encounter commercial sex workers, although many sex workers may choose to not reveal this information. Social workers active in needle exchange programs, substance abuse treatment programs, HIV/AIDS outreach programs, safer sex education and public health programs for people with HIV/AIDS often come into contact with commercial sex workers. While several of the sex worker-focused HIV/AIDS education programs and John's Schools (diversion programs that educate men who are arrested for soliciting a prostitute) in the 1990s are organized and run by commercial sex workers, some employ the services of social workers. NASW must adopt a policy statement that ensures that social workers provide accessible services for commercial sex workers.
Issue Statement
The current concerns about commercial sex work take place within a cultural context of economic injustice and social inequity. The illegal status of many commercial sex workers increases their vulnerability to violence, exploitation, and disease. Commercial sex workers (who are predominately female) are arrested ten times more often than their customers (who are predominately male) (WHO, 2001). Female commercial sex workers of color are disproportionately targeted by law enforcement for prostitution regulation.
Violence is one of the major problems for commercial sex workers. While figures vary, an early study of violence against commercial sex workers indicated that 60% of the abuse against street prostitutes is perpetrated by clients; 20% by police; and, 20% in domestic relationships (St. James, 1980). A study of 130 street workers (primarily homeless) who engaged in prostitution or survival sex found that 80% had been physically assaulted (San Francisco Bay Area Homeless Project, 1995). Among sex workers seeking services to leave prostitution at the Council for Prostitution Alternatives, 85% of prostitute/clients reported history of sexual abuse in childhood; 70% reported incest (1991).
Substance abuse is another concern often cited as a problem for commercial sex workers. Studies in the United States find the prevalence of substance use and addiction ranges from 0% to 84%, depending on the population being studied (Alexander, 1987; Sloan, 1997; Weiner, 1996). In North America, substance addiction is relatively common among street prostitutes who may engage in commercial sex work to support drug habits (Cepeda & Valdez, 2003; Monroe & Sloan, 2004). Substance abuse is less common among off-street and legal commercial sex workers. Some commercial sex work venues provide ready access to alcohol and other substances.
The rate of HIV/AIDS and STIs among commercial sex workers varies based on the rate of infection in the general population; venue; and, the type of sexual behavior in which the commercial sex worker engages. Commercial sex workers who are not able to enforce the use of condoms when engaged in high-risk behavior are risk for HIV/AIDS and other STIs (WHO, 2001). The experience in Asian countries suggests that strong anti-prostitution laws create barriers for commercial sex workers enforcing100% condom usage programs (WHO, 2001). In Thailand, where there are strong anti-prostitution laws, 80% of men infected with HIV/AIDS are reported to have contracted the disease from commercial sex workers (WHO, 2001). In New South Wales, Australia, where condom use is strongly enforced and the rate of HIV/AIDS is low in the general population, commercial sex workers have low rates of HIV/AIDS and other STIs.
Policy Statement
Social workers, in our policies and Code of Ethics acknowledge:
l racism, sexism, and classism as it intersects in the lives of commercial sex workers;
l the violence perpetrated against many individuals engaged in the commercial sex industry;
l the need for women’s equality, and
l that commercial sex workers, like all people, have the right to dignity and self-determination.
Social workers must hear and validate the voices of adult women and men who work, or have worked, as commercial sex workers. The reality of allwomen and men can be validated by acknowledging that there is a continuum of experiences within the commercial sex trade industry.
• Dignity and Respect
We believe that commercial sex workers, like all people, have the right to be treated with dignity and respect.
• Prosecute Violence Against Sex Workers
We support vigorous enforcement of laws designed to protect individuals from violence. We acknowledge that commercial sex workers can be sexually assaulted and that they deserve protection. Commercial sex workers who encounter abuse at the hands of their partners, customers or police should not be excluded from protection.
• Illegal Status of Some Commercial Sex Workers
We acknowledge that arrest of commercial sex workers has resulted in their isolation, stigmatization, and increased vulnerability to violence and exploitation. Arrest of commercial sex workers reduces their access to education, housing, and health care services; their ability to secure employment; and access to appropriate victim services and criminal justice response to criminal offenses committed against them.
l Condemn Forced Prostitution and Sexual Exploitation
We endorse the United Nations Platform for Action adopted in Beijing (1995), the United
Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, the United Nations Convention to Eliminate all Forms of Discrimination against Women (1981), and the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women (1993). All of these documents condemn forced prostitution and support the elimination of sexual exploitation.
References
Alexander, A. (1987). Prostitution: A Difficult Issue For Feminists. In Frederique Delacoste and Priscilla Alexander (Ed). Sex work: Writings by women in the sex industry. San Francisco: Cleis Press.
Boyer, D. K., & James, J. (1983). Prostitutes as Victims. In D. E. MacNamara & A. Karmen (Eds.), Deviants: Victims or victimizers. Beverly Hills: Sage.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (1993) HIV/AIDS surveillance report, 5(3), pp. 7, 11, 17.
Cepeda, A. & Valdez, A. (2003). Female sex workers and injecting drug use on the U.S.-Mexico Border: Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas. Journal of Border Health, 7(1). 84-93.
Council for Prostitution Alternatives (1991). Annual report. [Available from author, Portland, Oregon].
Foundation for Women. (1995). Recommendations to combat international traffic in women. (Available from Foundation for Women, POB 47 Bangkoknoi, Bangkok 10700, Thailand).
Hobson, B. M. (1987). Uneasy Virtue: The politics of prostitution and the American reform tradition. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Monroe, J. & Sloan, L.M. (2004). The truth about sex work. Paper presentation at the Conference on Prostitution, The Ohio State University.
National Organization for Women. (1973). National conference resolution on prostitution. [Available from NOW, P.O. Box 1848, Merrifield, VA 22116-8048].
Network of Sex Work Projects (no date). Introduction to the issues regarding sex work. [Retrieved from http://www.nswp.org/home.html on 11/20/2004].
Rothman, S. M. (1978). Woman's proper place: A history of changing ideals and practices 1970 to the present. New York: Basic Books.
Sacks, V. (1996). Women and AIDS: An analysis of media misrepresentations. Social Science & Medicine, 42(1), 59-73.
San Francisco Bay Area Homeless Project (1995). Homelessness and survival sex. [retrieved 6/2004 from http://www.bayswan.org/homeless.html]
Sloan, L. M. (1997). A qualitative study of women who work as topless dancers. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. University of Texas at Austin.
St. James, M. (1980). What's a girl like you...? In Claude Jaget (Ed). Prostitutes, our life. Bristol: Falling Wall Press.
United Nations. (1979). The U.N. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). [retrieved 6/2004 from www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw]
United Nations. (2000). United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime. [Available from United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Vienna International Centre, PO Box 500, A-1400 Vienna, Austria]
Weiner, A. (1996). Understanding the social needs of streetwalking prostitutes. Social Work, 41(1), 97-104.
World Health Organization (1994). HIV/AIDS and sex workers. [retrieved 6/2004 from www.who.org]
World Health Organization (2001). Sex Work in Asia. [Available from WHO, Regional Office for the Western Pacific, P.O. Box 2932, 1000 Manila, Philippines.]
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