This document has been produced based on a secondary data matrix compiled by the Global Child Protection Working Group (CPWG) using the Minimum Standards as an analysis framework. All data points are citations from the secondary data matrix which have been compared and interpreted, but not triangulated and verified. Focus has been given to Minimum Standards for which there is more information: Physical Violence and Harmful Practices, Sexual Violence, Psychosocial Distress and Mental Disorders, Child Labour, and Unaccompanied and Separated Children. Each child protection issue is introduced for all Ebola-affected countries and then specific information is detailed, where possible,for Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone.
The Ebola crisis has led to the breakdown of family and social structures which protect children from violence, abuse and exploitation in communities. The main physical violence and harmful practices identified are female genital mutilation (FGM), physical punishment and their acceptance by the community.
In Guinea, no data is yet found on which to base an analysis.
In Liberia, a pre-Ebola study with communities in Montserrado and Nimba districtsidentified thekidnappingof children as a key protection concern. When respondents discussed kidnapping, they most often related it to ritual sacrifice, or enrollment into traditional bush schools and secret societies. Kidnappers inthese districtsreportedly operate from outside of the community for their own gain, or the gain of someone who has hired them, because sacrificing a person can help people reach or maintain power. Children are viewed as most vulnerable to kidnapping during a long walk to school and in order to minimize that risk, some children may cease to attend. As a result of community awareness activities, some parents are said to better supervise their children and discourage them from travelling alone. Kidnapping that results in death is the most feared in the community, as such incidents were described as random and could happen to anyone. It is not clear if the risk, prevalence, or fear ofkidnappingoccurs in other districts in Liberia and if this has been exacerbated by the Ebola crisis.
In Sierra Leone,Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting affects 85% of girls in urban areas and 95% in rural areas. The practice is associated with social acceptance and marriageability, and 95% of instances are performed by traditional practitioners during initiation ceremonies into secret societies. 23% are performed before the age of 5 and 71% are performed on girls under the age of 15. New bylaws since the declaration of the public emergency have made it illegal to take part in ‘secret society’ initiations. There has been a reported lull in Bundo/FGM activities in communities in Kenema and Kailahun, as people consider this period an abnormal one.
Addressing harmful traditional practices and social norms have been long-term priorities, including child marriage and teenage pregnancy.16% of girls aged 15-19 years are married before 15, and 50% are married before the age of 18. In a study before the Ebola outbreak in Bombali and Moyamba, 50% of sexually active females (aged 19 and under) had been pregnant in the last 12 months. This high percentage of teenage pregnanciesamong sexually active teenagers resonates with the findings of other research conducted in Sierra Leone by the Government in 2013. In the study sample in Bombali/Moyamba, more than 34% of teenagers did not know any contraceptive methods and only 36% of the sexually active teenagers reported using contraceptives. During the current crisis, women and girls in Kenema and Kailahun are reportedly no longer going to clinics to access contraceptives; this may be more widespread across the country. The outreach activities provided by Marie Stopes have also been suspended, making children particularly susceptible to unwanted pregnancies.
Children in Sierra Leone are also vulnerable to verbal, physical and emotional abuse, including harsh corporal punishmentthat are supported by social norms.Overall, 82% of children aged 2-14 years in Sierra Leone are subjected to at least one form of psychological or physical punishment. In one study, over 60% of participants reported having been abused verbally, including being called names or cursed at, and 58% of the group reported having been physically abused, including being hit or kicked with a hand, foot, belt, cane, or other object, with many reporting occurrences on a regular basis. Another study identified a gender dimension to physical abuse, with female teenagers living with their fathers facing nearly twice the likelihood of physical abuse compared with male teenagers.
Orphaned, unaccompanied and separated children, particularly girls, whose adult family members are dead, incapacitated or in treatment, face an increased risk of sexual exploitation and abuse. With schools suspended, children out of education are also vulnerable. The disruptive impact on normal legal, social and policing structures means that security, justice and social services are severely curtailed, leaving limited avenues to justice for survivors of sexual violence. With many health services abandoned or severely disrupted, survivors’ ability to access essential treatment is further restricted. Survivors can be stigmatized and isolated from the support of their communities and left with no means of shelter and livelihood, compounding their distress.
In Guinea, no data is yet found on which to base an analysis.
In Liberia,apre-Ebola study in Montserrado and Nimba identified teenage pregnancy to be one of the most significant issues facing children in those districts, as it is seen as both frequent and impactful on the lives of children. Transactional sex reportedly arises when girls, or their families, lack expendable income and experience peer pressure to purchase items: They may look for a boyfriend who will buy them gifts and who may expect sex in return. Respondents also reported that girls might also engage in explicit transactional sex to earn income if their parents are unable to meet their needs. Living with alternative caregivers, who may not prioritize children’s wellbeing, care and protection, was identified as a risk factor that increases children’s vulnerability to teenage pregnancy, especially when this change of homes includes moving from a rural to urban area. Despite the potential physical risks and cultural norms that value pregnancy and childbearing, respondents consistentlydescribed abortion as one of the options available to pregnant teenage girls. Scenarios were also described where girls may not return to school or are expected to fulfil the role of a wife, once she bears a child. Support for the girl and her child is normally discussed between the families involved:In situations when a boy or man denies he is the father of the child, the authorities may be involved by the girl’s parents to ensure responsibility is taken.
The same study found that children are at risk of rape while working outside of the home and that community members are often the perpetrators. While respondents valued education and school attendance, rape and sexual relationships between teachers and students were reported in both counties. Students are aware that their peers who have sex with teachers will be given good grades, and, alternatively, other students may be withdrawn from school if parents fear they will be coerced into a similar relationship.
Behaviour change events, planned to increase discussion of statutory rape and child marriage, have been temporarily put on hold due to a ban on public gatherings during the Ebola outbreak. As the outbreak continues, the increased incidence of children without adult guardians is likely to be associated with an increased risk of sexual abuse and exploitation, including trafficking.
In Sierra Leone,high levels of teenage pregnancyreflects high rates of sexual abuse and exploitation, in addition to the social norms of early consensual sex and child marriage. Sexual abusers are typically men in positions of power – including community leaders, chiefs and teachers - and sexual exploitation as a means of survival may be tacitly condoned by parents and carers.The US Department of State lists Sierra Leone as a source, transit and destination country for the trafficking of women and children, with the majority of cases being those of children trafficked within the country to urban and mining centres for the purposes of labour exploitation and prostitution. During the Ebola outbreakthere is a heightened concern for the vulnerability of girls to all forms of sexual exploitation and abuse, with no caregivers to protect them. In a rapid assessment of the impact of Ebola on child rights in Kenema and Kailahun, key informants were requested to identify protection risks experienced by communities as a result of the Ebola virus. Sexual abuse and exploitation of children leading to teenage pregnancy and early marriage wasconsistently raised as a key protection concern.Sexual abuse of children has reportedly decreased, however, in the same districts. Children arereportedly no longer left loosely in communities, although this is unexplained as a causal link to lower levels of reported abuse.
Children from Ebola affected countries face psychosocial distress whether they are infected, have lost family members, are in health facilities, are in quarantine or are survivors. Parents restrict their children’s movements such as not engaging in school and playing activities, to protect them from infection. Uninfected children also face loss of friends stigmatization and social exclusion, when they are members of affected families and communities (families and communities who have lost family members or confirmed Ebola case or in quarantine). Children in health facilities often do not receive any form of social or psychological support. Treated children who return to their communities are being feared, discriminated against and threatened, leaving them excluded and socially isolated.
InGuinea, during the Ebola outbreak, 95% of key informants stated a decrease in school enrolment mainly due to death or displacement of parents, stigmatization and death of teachers. During discussions with children, it was reported that fear, sadness and isolation were the main behavioral changes observed. Main fears reported are those of being contaminated and dying, death of parents and displacement. Measures established by communities to stop transmission include leaving affected areas, avoiding contact with people, isolation, and walking in small groups.
97% of localities where Ebola cases are confirmed do not have space for recreational activities. School playground and squares are normally used as recreational spaces for children, however the attendance has decreased since the Ebola outbreak as these places do not have the security required. Participation of children in grave digging and the ritual of burial involves high protection risks. A parent from the Village of Soro in Guedeckou stated “Since the day my son participated in grave digging to bury his brother and his uncle, he is always talking about Ebola, even in his sleep. I think he forgot everything except the name of this disease”.
In Liberia, discrimination negatively affects children’s self-esteem, and their relationships with others. Children orphaned by Ebola, given the stigma surrounding the illness, are at greater risk of being placed in orphanages (residential institutions). Children whose family members have contracted Ebola are discriminated against in their communities and are not welcomed in kinship families.
InSierra Leone, according to a surveyin 2013, 82% of children aged 2-14were subjected to at least one form of psychological or physical punishment. In a study during the Ebola outbreak, 32% of people believe that a school pupil fully recovered from Ebola will put other pupils in their class at risk of Ebola infection. Key informants identified stigmatization and discrimination as protection risks and gave an insight into children’s work patterns and children dropping out of school as well as psychological and emotional problems. Social stigma and isolation for affected children is considerable, with quarantined children locked in houses with limited access to food. There are also high levels of distress and neglect associated with losing parents and caregivers, and being isolated and forcibly quarantined. Relationships that once existed amongst community members have collapsed due to mistrust amongst community members, leading to dysfunctional community structures that had once served at the frontline of efforts to protect children at community level.
The closure of markets and travel restrictions in affected areas have caused disruption of economic activities, which has a direct impact on family incomes. Consequently, more children are being forced to earn an income through hazardouslabour.
InGuinea, a study pre-Ebola indicated that48% of children aged 5-14 were working and 52% were not going to school.78.3% of working children aged 5-17 are involved in harsh and dangerous work and that the issue is more worrying in rural areas. Children living in mining, farming and port areas are those who are more at risk and require protection.
According to an assessment during the Ebola outbreak, 95% of key informants stated that child labour has increased since the Ebola outbreak particularly for children aged 13-18. Children are involved in digging graves, agriculture, mining, domestic chores and commercial activities.
Parents also stated that the only human resources available are now children as young people aged 18-30 have moved from affected villages to mining areas. During the assessment, teams reported that there were only children and old people in assessed villages.
In Liberia, communities in Montserrado and Nimba regions defined child labour as work that was too physically demanding for children, or that took up too much of their time and forced them neglect their studies. Children mostly worked with, or at the request of, their parents, to help support the household. Sending a child to live with an alternative caregiver is reported as a coping mechanism for families who are unable to meet a child’s basic needs, but the risk of mistreatment and child labour were higher.
Children who are orphaned by Ebola and rejected by their communities and extended families are at greater risk of being engaged in child labour.
In Sierra Leone, child labour has been assessed by policy makers and communities alike as a key child protection concern. 50% of children aged 5-14 are involved in child labour and it is more prevalent in rural than urban areas. At school age, children do heavy work according to gender; boys engage in heavy farm work (e.g. clearing the bush, hoeing), and girls do heavy housework (pounding rice, carrying heavy loads of firewood, water and cassava). In 2012, young people and adults identified heavy work as one of the leading causes of children either not being able to learn, or their being out of school altogether. According to a study25% of teenagers in Moyamba and Bombali report spending up to 4 to 7 days a week on heavy work like farming, pounding riceand logging fire wood.
Child labour has emerged as negative coping mechanism during the Ebola outbreak, alongside other mechanisms such as thefamilies selling their livestock andtaking out loans. In both Kailahun and Kenema districts, interviewees indicated that children of working age (7 years and above) are being made to embark on both exploitative as well as hazardous jobs to fend for themselves and their families. The impact of children’s changing work patterns include children dropping out of school, health hazards, psychological and emotional problems, stunted growth and teenage pregnancies. With 2 million children not attending school due to closures, the vulnerability of children to child labour increases.
With14,273 children in Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone having lost one or both parents due to Ebola since the start of the outbreak, and many being rejected by their relatives for fear of infection, the issue of unaccompanied, separated and orphaned children is predominant.Unaccompanied, separated and orphaned children are facing increased vulnerabilities such as child labor and psychosocial distress. Affected children, or children of affected parents, are also at risk of rejection by care givers due to stigma and fear of infection, potentially increasing numbers of unaccompanied and separated children.
Number of Orphaned Children due to Ebola in each Country (January 2015)In Guinea, main causes of separation after the Ebola outbreak are the death of parents, displacement of population from villages where Ebola cases have been confirmed to unaffected villages and stigma. According to data from the end of December,2,190 children are now orphaned due to Ebola.
In Liberia, prior to the Ebola outbreak,92% of children under 15 had both parents living, but the percentage of children under 15 who were living with both of their parents was just 48.9%,indicating that ‘orphan-hood’ is unlikely to be a major factor in children’s normal care and living arrangements.In studying DHS data from 2007, the Better Care Network noted that although data on the relationship of children (who arenot living with their parents) to the head of the household is not yet available forLiberia, data from neighboring countries, including Sierra Leone, point to the factthat the vast majority of these children are in extended family care. The important differences in percentages for children living with neither parent in anurban environment, particularly Monrovia, indicate that access to basic services, including education and work, are likely to be the major reasons behind these living arrangements. Furthermore Liberia, together with Sierra Leone, has one of the highest percentages of children under 15 who are living with their fathers only, even though their mothers are alive. This points to the important role of culture in care and living arrangements in Liberia with older children moving to live with their fathers, away from their mothers.