Globalizing professional development: a UK teachers’ experience of visiting a Swedish Kunskapsskolan

Andrew J. Thomas

Ilfracombe Academy

Introduction

Over the past forty years the global economic dynamic has altered considerably – since the end of the Bretton Woods agreement era in 1971, before which domestic stability and full employment were the priorities. Economies, both domestic and international, have become more mercantile, leading to greater financial instability (Ferguson 2008: p307-12). Developments in the broader global economy have inevitably impacted on jobs, leading to greater insecurity. To thrive in this environment, people were required to become more flexible in their approach to employment; successful people needed “to be ‘adaptable, physically and intellectually mobile’, a serial member of ‘flexible’ teams and ‘networks’, ‘rarely made up of the same people’.” (Priestland 2012: p200)With the changing nature of the jobs market, governments across the world saw education as the key to creating more flexible workers, who could learn new roles quickly, and, by so doing, increase the efficiency and productivity of the economy. If schools could enable children to develop into ‘independent learners’ then they could become ‘lifelong learners’, able to swiftly adapt to new demands.The changing economic climate which has caused governments to rethink the role of education can be considered to be ‘drivers’ (Sorensen & Coombes 2008: p3) Such drivers prompt the creation of ‘agendas’, which are programmes designed in response, and ‘modes’, which are the dissipation of these agendas to the teaching profession (ibid).For a competitive economy the idea of lifelong learning, based on the foundations of independent learning (with its encouragement of enterprise and risk-taking) seemed a perfect fit: guaranteeing ongoing education, which keeps the workforce competitive, while putting the onus on individuals to finance it (Jacobi 2009:p17).

Take, for example, a speech made by the new Secretary of State for Education, Michael Gove, reflecting on the 2009 PISA survey:

“We have slipped in the Pisa rankings down to 25th in reading, 28th in maths and 16th in science. I agree that we should not … regard this study chiefly as a blow to national pride. Rather, we should see it as a spur to action. In the long run, if we hope to maintain a world-class economy delivering world-class public services, world-class universities and world-class R&D, we need world class schools.” (Gove 2010b)

In considering which educational systems to emulate Gove looked towards Sweden as one of the examples of a country in which schools have a (desirable) level of autonomy to try new approaches (Gove 2010a). Until recently the Swedish education system was seen by many to be one of the most effective in the world. In the International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS, 1995), Swedish adults achieved the highest scores of any of the Scandinavian countries (Björklund et al 2004: p38), reflecting more on the successes of past educational approaches than on the current ones. In particular, independent schools in Sweden were identified as successful (DCSF 2010: p50).

However, as Morris has argued (2012: p104), the use of international comparisons as a way of justifying policy is neither wholly objective nor entirely useful. It does, though, have obvious attractions for politicians, as it

“portrays a rational and ‘evidence-based’ reason for change … Thus the use of policy borrowing as the rationale for change is attractive as it can unite coalitions of different ideological persuasions and be used to mask the introduction of policies driven by other motives.” (Morris 2012: p90-1)

Alongside the idea of international comparison being logical and evidence-based another benefit for politicians is that vast amounts of data is produced, much of which is open to multiple interpretations, making it “possible to promote and project desired, and sometimes contradictory, policies through the selective interpretation or raiding of the evidence.” (Morris 2012: p91)

One of the developments in education which has emerged over the last forty years, alongside changes in the economy, is that of independent learning. It is argued that this will help young people to form the abilities necessary to succeed in the modern environment, allowing students to develop their own approaches to problem solving. One of the chains of free schools in Sweden that have an interesting approach to promoting independent learning is Kunskapsskolan. According to the organisation’s brochure:

“As you learn to set your goals yourself and plan your own time, you will be allowed to take responsibility for your own studies. Thus, our method of working will teach you to take personal responsibility and to become independent”. ( 2008: p3)

Given the changing nature of education and the apparent desire to borrow policies from overseas, a case study of one of the Kunskapsskolan schools in Sweden, and in particular their approach to promoting independent learning seemed desirable. The high standing of Swedish students in international comparisons during the 1990s, while the global economic drivers were leading governments across the world to introduce agendas relating to the idea of independent learning, made it an interesting area to study.

Research Methodology

Deciding to focus the research on a Kunskapsskolan in Sweden promoted further questions of what type of research should be done.Undertaking an Action Research project in which the approaches used in the Kunskapsskolan were replicated in a British school was something that was considered. However, this would seem to be a case of putting the cart before the horse, as a thorough understanding of the approach taken in Sweden would need to be formed first if it was to be replicated faithfully here.

The most effective approach to gaining an understanding of how independent learning was being promoted at Kunskapsskolan in Sweden would be that of doing a case study of one of the schools, with the aim of learning how they promote independent learning. The nature of the case study would be determined by themes that arose out of a review of the literature, and these formed themselves into questions:

  • What are the philosophical and pedagogic beliefs underpinning the approaches taken at Kunskapsskolan X?
  • What sort of learning environment has been created and how does this affect the students?
  • What part does the interaction between tutors and students play in the promotion of independent learning?
  • How is Information Technology being used to promote or enable independent learning?
  • How is the curriculum arranged, and what effect does this have on independent learning?
  • What part do external assessments play, and how do they affect independent learning?

One of the aspects of the case study approach that Thomas identifies as a weakness is that they are not good for generalising from. (Thomas 2011: p17) The examination of the Swedish system would, therefore, raise questions about the applicability of the approach, rather than providing easy answers. A qualitative case study, though, would provide the parameters within which to explore a different system and situation, possibly leading to unexpected discoveries and conclusions. (ibid: p21)

To gain an insight into how individuals involved with the school felt about the approach taken to independent learning, it was decided to use questionnaires as a data gathering method. Questionnaires for both students and teachers would provide quantitative evidence of opinions, and the identification of trends through the analysis of this data should add validity to conclusions reached on the basis of other qualitative research methods. For ease of collection both students and teachers at the school were sent the link to an online survey (suggested in Thomas 2011: p165). One obvious problem affecting the quality of data gathered was that possible misunderstanding or misinterpretation resulting from different languages. To minimise the impact of this, the student survey was translated into Swedish before being issued. The survey provided for teachers was in English and had a greater range of possible responses, based on the idea that their grasp on English was likely to be better, and misunderstanding less likely.

Relying on a combination of documentary evidence and questionnaires would still leave the research overly reliant on the researcher to decide the avenues of investigation, and also too reliant on secondary interpretations of the approach taken. To provide more grounding for the research, in particular into the learning environment created and the interaction between tutors and students, it was decided to visit Kunskapsskolan X for one day, to carry out fieldwork. This decision was largely based on the belief that the researcher must experience an environment to get a better understanding of it, and that visiting Sweden and speaking to individuals involved in the school may unearth new lines of investigation and give a better understanding of the inter-relationships between different elements in the Swedish education system.

The school selected for the case study was one offered for the researcher to visit by the Kunskapsskolan UK liaison individual, and was largely determined by proximity to a convenient airport. As the case study was designed to investigate how a particular type of school in Sweden is promoting independent learning, and was not attempting to offer a critique of the Kunskapsskolan organisation, the allocation of the school by the organisation should not have undermined the validity of the study. The timing of the visit was determined by the alignment of British school holidays with a time when Swedish students would be in lessons.

Unstructuredobservations conducted during the field-work would be a key element of the data collection.A further data collection method that promised to reveal valuable data regarding the approaches being taken to independent learning in Kunskapsskolan X would be interviews with both students and teachers. Interviews would be conducted in English, leaving the possibility that nuances of meaning would be lost in translation, and recorded on tape. The research was designed as an “exploratory sequential” (Creswell et al. 2006: p3) with the quantitative element as an adjunct to the largely qualitative approach.

Results and Findings

Kunskapsskolan X is a type of compulsory school, educating students between Year 6 (12-13 years old) and Year 9 (15-16 years old). A key feature of the way that the Kunskapsskolan group of schools are run is that there is an element of freedom in the timetable, with responsibility for learning being given to the students. On joining the school in Year 6 students have to attend all lessons and workshops, but over time, as they prove their reliability, the workshops become optional, and students are expected to complete the work in their own time. This approach seems to generally be successful, with punitive measures rarely having to be taken.

Students do not wear a uniform, which is normal for Swedish schools, and refer to teachers on first name terms. Between 9.30am and 1.20pm are lessons, workshops and a break for lunch, and the make up of this period of time will vary from student to student, depending on what lessons they are due to attend. Consequently, students have their lunch breaks scheduled at different times, giving the canteen the type relaxed atmosphere that you might find on a university campus.

Kunskapsskolan X is laid out in a strikingly different way to most modern British schools. The first part of the school to greet a visitor is the reception area: this is open, with no obvious separate staff area; indeed students help out at reception. It is particularly noticeable that most of the classrooms have internal windows, allowing students and staff to see and be seen. Also, in-between and alongside the classrooms are lots of small tables or workstations for students to undertake individual study. The general layout of the facility has distinct similarities with a low-rise office building, which should not be surprising, as many of Kunskapsskolan’s schools are based in disused commercial buildings. The relaxed feel of the school buildings is enhanced by the lack of an obvious dress-code for members of staff, and the lack of bells between lessons.

Central to the approach taken as Kunskapsskolan are the relationships between students and their designated tutors. Towards the end of the base group meeting observed students get their planners out to note down what is on during the day, and in some cases to agree with the tutor which lessons will be attended. The tutor checks all the planners.

At 1.20pm students reconvene for another base group meeting with their tutor, in which planners are checked and any issues identified and, if possible, resolved. The school day is then over, at 1.30pm, for the majority of students; five students stay behind to have individual fifteen minute tutorials to discuss their progress; in this way all students will have a one-to-one session with their tutor every week.

Although Kunskapsskolan X had a relaxed atmosphere, it does not follow that students were not being monitored. Indeed, it is part of the way that Kunskapsskolan schools are organised that students are monitored frequently (Eiken 2011: p2).Students are assessed on entry, and then establish goals at a meeting involving their parents and their tutor. These goals are then checked on a weekly basis in the one-to-one conversations that students have with their tutor. Tutors can then seek to address any issues that are stopping students from achieving their goals, or negotiate changing the goals. There appears to be little use of punitive measures to force students to work harder, rather the responsibility is passed to them to find ways of making it happen.

A major element in the Kunskapsskolan approach to independent learning is their intranet site, the Learning Portal. Students log into their personal file, which links to the relevant website. It shows what steps students are on, and teachers write comments on tests or presentations, which parents can view. Also the plans for the next steps are contained, and the Portal includes grades and comments on how to improve. It also has the courses for each Year, detailing what they are about and what the assignments are.Indeed, when showing the Portal, one student commented “I don’t know why we have lessons really”;this represents either high praise for the website or a criticism of the lessons, or perhaps a combination of the two.

In Kunskapsskolan X the school day has a basic structure, which everyone follows, and then individual timetables for students, depending on the structure of their studies. Students attend two types of lessons: steps and courses. The core subjects of maths, Swedish, English and modern languages are studied in steps, ranging from 1 to 35. Each step takes around three to six weeks and students are tested at the end of each one, before progressing. On joining the school in Year 6, students’ ability varies between steps 3 and 19, with the aim of students having reached at least step 20 by the end of Year 9.Feedback from students was generally positive about the concept of steps, arranged in short term goals; one concern that they did raise was what happened to students when they reached the top of the scale; students found that when they reached step 35 in their studies there had to be some creativity in finding them work to do.

Alongside the steps, students also study courses. While in the core subjects students of different ages mix together dependent on how far they have advanced in their studies, the courses are organised around the base groups, that is with students of differing abilities, but broadly the same ages. The courses are a mix of subjects including social sciences, natural sciences, PE, domestic science, art, handicrafts and music.

Homework, a standard feature of British curricula, appears to be largely absent at Kunskapsskolan X. According to both students and teachers, it is rarely explicitly given, but rather it is up to the students to complete the work necessary to achieve their goals, which may or may not involve undertaking homework.

Unlike in most British schools, there are no options for the students to choose at age thirteen or fourteen, which would narrow down their studies, with all students studying the broad range of courses until aged 16. Another striking difference with the British education system is the small number of exams taken by students at this age, meaning that the non-core subjects are taught without a national exam at the end.

In the core subjects that are done in steps, every fifth step is a project which reflects the previous four steps; these have to be passed and are graded A – F. This should ensure that, within those subjects covered by the steps, students and their teachers should have a good idea of what level they are working at.For the courses, which cover the non-core subjects, the testing is less regimented, so it does appear more difficult to identify student’s progress. Given that there are no national exams at the end of the courses, this is not seen as a particularly negative thing.

At the end of Year 9 students will take tests in the core subjects before the majority progress to High School (aged 16-19). The Year 9 exams are important for students as they determine whether they can go on to further study and, if so, what categories of qualification they will be able to choose from (Skolverket 2011a: p22).