Ethnic and National Identification as Determinants of In-Group and Out-Group Evaluation: The Basque Case
Authors:
Borja Martinovic, Maykel Verkuyten & Jeroen Weesie
Affiliation:
Utrecht University
Abstract
This article examines the link between identification and ingroup-outgroup evaluations. The case of interest is the Basque community in Spain, where respondents can identify with ethnic Basque and/or national Spanish group. We examine how ethnic and national identification relate to the evaluation of the ingroup and various out-groups within Spain. For Basque identifiers Basques are the in-group, while Spaniards, Andalusians and Catalans are out-groups. For Spanish identifiers, Spaniards are the in-group, and out-groups are Andalusians, Basques and Catalans. The findings suggest that ingroup identification is associated with a positive evaluation of the ingroup, which is in line with Social Identity Theory. Respondents who identify strongly as Basque evaluate their Basque ingroup positively, while Spanish identifiers evaluate Spaniards positively. The relationship between identification and outgroup evaluation is more complex, and depends largely on the type of outgroup and on the intergroup context. For non-threatening out-groups or out-groups which are perceived to be similar to the ingroup there is no association between identification with the ingroup and outgroup evaluation. Only out-groups that are perceived as posing a threat to the accomplishment of the in-group’s goals are evaluated more negatively, the stronger the identification with the ingroup. There is a negative relationship between Basque identification and the evaluation of Spaniards and Andalusians, as well as between Spanish identification and the evaluation of Basques and Catalans. Basque ethnic nationalism mediates the relationship between ingroup identification and out-group evaluation. People who identify with Basque identity are more supportive of Basque nationalism and therefore more negative towards Spaniards and Andalusians because they obstruct Basque separatist goals. Similarly, high Spanish identifiers oppose Basque nationalism, and this is associated with a less positive evaluation of Basques.
Introduction
Real-life intergroup situations consist of a series of groups that differ in position, power and goals, and in which ethnicity or related characteristics such as race, language, and religion are criteria for group status. Most theoretical discussions and empirical investigations in the domain of intergroup relations tend to ignore these complex situations and focus on dyadic ingroup-outgroup relations (see Hewstone, Rubin & Willis, 2002). However, different out-groups, for example, can enjoy varying degrees of social acceptability (see Hagendoorn, 1995; Owen, Eiser & McFaul, 1981) making it important to examine the reasons for the different evaluations of multiple out-groups.
Group identification is considered critical to intergroup behaviour. The degree to which individuals identify with their group is thought to influence their intergroup behaviour, with high in-group identifiers being more likely to show a variety of group level responses relative to low identifiers. Furthermore, group identification is a multifaceted construct that can be examined in various ways. Not only can one speak of different dimensions of identification with a specific group (see Ashmore, Deaux, & McLaughlin-Volpe, 2004), but there is also the possibility of developing dual or hybrid identities (Verkuyten, 2005). People can simultaneously belong to and identify with a number of social groups. For example, they can be members of an ethnic and a national group.
Our study focuses on ethnic and national identification and their relationship with the evaluation of the in-group and multiple out-groups. Whereas a rather straightforward positive relation between identification and in-group evaluation can be expected, it will be argued that the relationship between identification and the evaluation of out-groups is more complex and depends on the nature of the intergroup context. The case of interest is the Basque Country in the Spanish State. Ethnically and linguistically the Basque form an endemic community whose origin and arrival to the Iberian Peninsula remains a mystery (Zulaika, 1988; Collins, 1990). Basques are also citizens of Spain, but throughout the last decades they became increasingly known for their ethno-nationalistic claims and separatist movements (Clark, 1979, 1984). It is interesting to investigate how members of this community identify with both ethnic Basque and national Spanish identity, and how these identifications are related to attitudes they hold about their ingroup and about several outgroups in Spain. In the present study the participants were asked about their ethnic Basque and national Spanish identification as well as about their evaluation of the national ‘Spanish’ group and three sub-groups in Spain: Basques, Catalans, and Andalusians. For people who strongly identify with the Spanish identity, the Spaniards represent the in-group, while Basque, Catalan and Andalusian sub-groups represent an out-group. Similarly, for Basque identifiers, Basques are seen as the in-group and Spaniards, Andalusians and Catalans as an out-group. Considering the particular intergroup situation in Spain, we examined the role of Basque nationalist attitudes as a mediating variable between group identification and out-group evaluations. We used structural equation techniques for examining these relationships. With this study, we want to make a contribution to a further social psychological understanding of intergroup relations in a real life and politically tensed context (see Bar-Tal, 2004; Cairns, Kenworthy, Campbell, & Hewstone, 2006; Gibson, 2006).
Theory
Group identification and in-group evaluation
A positive correlation between individual differences in group identification and individual differences in the degree to which the in-group is favoured over an out-group is not always found and can be quite weak (see Brewer & Campbell, 1976; Hinkle & Brown, 1990; Mullen, Migdal & Smith, 1992). In addition, Turner (1999) has theoretically criticized the idea of a simple positive correlation between identification and in-group favouritism because social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) insists that group evaluations need to be understood in their social context.
Group identification entails affective and evaluative processes that are above and beyond the acknowledgment of one’s in-group membership (Tajfel, 1981). Identification implies a felt attachment, a kind of affective fusion or mergence between the self and the in-group as a whole. Research has shown that these evaluative and affective processes are a stronger predictor of intergroup behaviour than cognitive self-definitions (e.g., Jackson, 2002; Verkuyten, 1991). Thus, we focus on the dimensions of identification that entail an attachment to the group.
People are members of different social groups which means that group identities are always ‘among other’ identities. Every individual simultaneously belongs to a great number of social categories and can thus be flexibly categorised in a multitude of ways. One can be a member of an ethnic group as well as a superordinate national category, and one can feel emotionally attached to both. Hence, we examined participants’ degree of Basque ethnic group identification as well as Spanish national identification.
The most direct outcome of identification is positive evaluation of the in-group. Brewer (2001) argues that ‘in-group positivity’ is a general principle applicable to every social group. The in-group is psychologically primary because it satisfies the need to belong and to know who one is (see Yzerbyt, Castano, Leyens, & Paladino, 2000). In addition, according to social identity theory, people’s self-esteem derives in part from their group memberships and therefore they are inclined to evaluate their in-group positively. Hence, the attachment of the self to the group can be expected to lead to a positive evaluation of the in-group. Thus, we expected a positive association between Basque identification and the evaluation of the Basques, and between Spanish identification and the evaluation of the Spaniards.
Multiple out-groups and the intergroup context
Functionalist approaches to intergroup relations such as realistic conflict theory (Sherif, 1967), social identity theory (Tajfel, & Turner, 1986), group position theory (Blumer, 1958; Bobo, 1966), social dominance theory (Sidanius, & Pratto, 1999), and image theory (Alexander, Brewer, & Herrmann, 1999) share the idea that group evaluations are shaped by the nature of the intergroup situation in which they are formed. The association between in-group and out-group attitude, and between group identification and out-group evaluation depends on the kind of functional interdependence between the in-group and specific out-groups. Highly identified group members, for example, would have more negative attitudes towards out-groups that are threatening or competitive with the in-group, whereas they would have more positive attitudes to non-threatening groups. Furthermore, theories such as belief congruence (Biernat, Vescio, Theno & Crandall, 1996; Rokeach, Smith, & Evans, 1960) suggests that the degree of (dis)similarity in basic beliefs, worldviews and group goals affects people’s out-group evaluation. Out-groups that are less similar will be liked less, particularly by high group identifiers.
Hence, pro in-group attitudes are not necessarily related to anti out-group attitudes and in-group identification does not necessarily lead to out-group dislike. Some empirical results support this idea. For example, in their study of Basque children’s identification and evaluation of national out-groups, Reizábal, Valencia and Barrett (2004) found that different national out-groups were evaluated differently, and that some were even liked although to a lesser degree than the in-group. Surveying African, White and Native Americans, Alexander, Brewer and Livingston (2005) found that the content of the out-group stereotypes varied systematically as a function of the nature of the intergroup context in which these groups are situated. Further, studying White, African and Asian Americans, Jackson (1999) found that the relationship between in-group identification and prejudice was moderated by the sociostructural characteristics of the groups involved. Also, in a study among four South African ethnocultural groups, Duckitt et al. (2005) found that group identification showed a positive, negative or zero correlation with out-group attitudes. The association depended on the functional relationship and the degree of similarity between the in-group and the different out-groups (see also Duckitt & Mphuthing, 1998; Gibson, 2006).
Hence, not all out-groups are evaluated negatively by in-group identifiers. It depends on the perceived similarity between the in-group and the out-group and the specific intergroup situation. An association between in-group identification and out-group dislike can be expected under conditions of goal incompatibility, competition or threat. The Basque Country in the Spanish Sate provides a particularly interesting context in which to examine these issues. This is because there are different ethnic subgroups in Spain. Some of these subgroups are included in the overarching Spanish national category. For example, apart from Castilians, who are the most prototypical Spanish group, Andalusians are also generally considered to be representative of the superordinate Spanish category. In contrast, the Basques and the Catalans have relatively strong ethnic nationalist movements and a strong perception of being different from other parts of the Spanish State (Hooper, 1995). This does not mean that autonomy and independence is supported by all individuals living in these regions. One reason for this is that a large proportion of the population in, for example, the Basque country immigrated from other parts of Spain. In addition, Basque identity does not have to imply the right to self-determination with its concomitant negative attitude towards prototypical Spanish groups, but can have different cultural and social meanings for different people. However, it can be expected that Basque ethnic nationalism functions as a mediating variable between Basque identification on the one hand, and the negative evaluation of prototypically Spanish Andalusians, and Spaniards in general, on the other hand.
However, in addition to identifying with the ethnic Basques, people living in the Basque Country can also identify simultaneously with the national (superordinate) Spanish group (Dekker, Malová & Hoogendoorn, 2003). Some inhabitants of Basque Country view themselves as more ‘Spanish’ than others, thus identifying more strongly with the superordinate category. It can be expected that people with stronger Spanish identification will be less supportive of the Basque nationalistic claims that are threatening and incompatible with the unity of the Spanish State. In other words, Basque nationalism can be expected to also mediate the negative relationship between Spanish identification and the evaluation of Basques.
Despite the many differences between the Basque Country and Catalonia there are important similarities. In Catalonia there is also a relatively strong nationalist movement and a strong perception of being different from other regions in the Spanish State. The Catalans are not a prototypical Spanish group and do not pose a similar threat to Basque self-determination. Hence, the Catalans are probably not evaluated negatively by Basque identifiers. On the contrary, there might be a direct positive association between Basque identification and the evaluation of Catalans. Goal compatibility and the sharing of a common predicament and ‘enemy’ (‘Madrid’) can lead to a higher perception of similarity and increased attraction (Alexander et al., 1999; Rothgerber, & Worchel, 1997). Spanish identifiers, on the other hand, should view Catalans negatively, mainly because of the fact that they are a non-prototypical group in Spain that claims a substantial degree of autonomy. However, Spaniards and Catalans are antagonistic towards each other for their own specific (historical) reasons, which do not directly relate to the Spanish-Basque conflict. Following this reasoning, Basque ethnic nationalism should not mediate the relationship between Basque identification and Spanish identification with the evaluation of Catalans.
The relations between the variables discussed are outlined in Figure 1. It is expected, first, that there is a direct positive relationship between group identification and in-group evaluation (H1). That is to say, Basque identification should be associated positively with the evaluation of Basques, and Spanish identification should be associated positively with the evaluation of Spaniards. Secondly, a positive relationship is also expected between in-group identification and the evaluation of similar out-groups (H2). Therefore, Andalusians, as a relatively prototypical Spanish group, should be seen more positively the more people identify as Spanish. Similarly, Catalans, as an out-group with goals for autonomy that are comparable to the Basque Country’s goals, should be seen more positively the more people identify as Basque.
Third, for dissimilar or threatening out-groups, the relationship between identification and out-group evaluation is predicted to be negative (H3). In the case of Catalans, a direct negative association between Spanish identification and their evaluation is expected (H3a). For the other three out-groups Basque nationalism was expected to function as a mediator between in-group identification and group evaluations (H3b). Thus, participants who have strong Basque identification are expected to endorse Basque nationalism more, whereas participants with strong Spanish identification are expected to oppose Basque nationalism. Nationalism, in turn, should be related negatively to the evaluation of Spaniards and Andalusians and positively to the evaluation of Basques. In other words, people who identify strongly as Basque are supposed to be supportive of Basque nationalism, and therefore to evaluate Spaniards and Andalusians more negatively, while people who identify strongly as Spanish should evaluate Basques less positively because of their opposition to Basque nationalism.