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COUNTER MEMORY IN POST-SOCIALIST CHINA: CYBER-LITERATURE AND YI IN COOL EVIL
YIPENG SHEN
UNVERSITY OF OREGON
Abstract:
Although most recent scholarship related to Chinese nationalism has centered on the early modern period from late Qing to the foundation of People’s Republic of China (1890s-1949), this article explores the development of Chinese nationalism in a less treaded period—the post-socialist era (1989-2009). Michel Foucault’s notion of “counter-memory” provides the theoretical foundation for studying the popular subjective modes of national identity in post-socialist China. Through the venue of cyber-literature, Chinese netizens are able to appropriate various forms of the counter-memory to articulate their own understanding of the political reality and the nation-state structure. A prominent cyber-literature story Cool Evil offers a good case of how Chinese netizens draw on the traditional notion of yi to fashion an antagonistic stance against the neoliberal Chinese state.
Counter Memory & Post-socialist China
Since Michel Foucault initiated the discussion of “counter-memory” through a series of papers in the late 1960s,[i] it has inspired many scholarly discussions. One important application of the Foucauldian idea of counter-memory is Lauren Berlant’s discussion of early American nationalism,[ii] as is embodied in Nathaniel Hawthorne’s The Scarlet Letter (1850). Berlant suggests that nations provoke fantasy and Hawthorne’s work is the “fantasy-work of national identity” (1991, 1-2). In The Scarlet Letter, different official and popular subjective modes of national identity characterize both the narrator’s representation of the 17th-century Puritan history of North America and his allusive construction of the national-political reality of the United States of America around 1850. These subjective modes of national identity, whether official or popular, explicate how American citizens have been “positioned” within a national domain. As Berlant agues, while the official modes of national identity are based on the official memory—usually the state-sanctioned meanings of “public or national figures, bodies, monuments, and texts”, the popular subjective modes draw on the counter-memory, “the residual material that is not identical with the official meanings of the political public sphere”. The popular knowledge that constitutes the counter-memory, that is, the popular memory, contradicts the official material that so often becomes the “truth” of a historical period and political formation (1991, 6).
The discourse of the counter-memory persists in modern history and transposes its form and substance at different temporal-spatial locales. Contemporary Chinese people try to make sense of their positions in the dramatically changing nation-state structure by creating various discourses of the counter-memory. This article is aimed to examine one of them. The last twenty years is called by academia as the post-socialist era in mainland China. The 1989 Tiananmen Incident marks the official “farewell” of the Chinese party-state to Maoist socialism. The years that follows has witnessed dramatic changes that permeate different layers of the Chinese society. Among all these changes, the emergence of the Chinese netizens (wang min)[iii] and the online public sphere is undoubtedly a prominent one. China was first connected to the World Wide Web in 1994. Thousands of Chinese-language websites and millions of Internet users have emerged in mainland China since. In as short as four years, 40 million Chinese people became frequent users of the Internet-related services.[iv] By July 2008, the number of frequent Internet users in China had reached 253 million,[v] roughly one fifth of its whole population. The frequent Internet users have formed a new group of Chinese people, that is, the netizens. The Internet, as Liu Kang puts it, is “an important aspect of globalization, and plays an increasingly actively role in China’s transformation from its Maoist past to a post-revolutionary, post-socialist society”.[vi] Besides this, other social changes pertinent to this article include the deepening of a neoliberalist economic reform and the emergence of a dominant consumer culture.
Neoliberalism is a late-twentieth-century political philosophy. The central principle of neoliberal policy is untrammeled free markets and free trade. After Deng Xiaoping came to power in the late 1970s, he initiated the Chinese economic reform with the goal to create a laissez faire market economy. The party-state has expedited the neoliberalist economic reform since 1989 and made clear its “willingness to accommodate commercial dominance and complete state withdrawal from a system of social guarantees”.[vii] The economic reform and the “commercial dominance” have given birth to a dominant consumer culture in post-socialist China. With China’s integration into the global capitalist system, consumerism is omnipresent and has become the pivot of Chinese people’s lives. Being a contemporary Chinese means first being a consumer. Consumption is not for life, it is life.
Chinese consumer culture in the post-socialist era has two attributes. First, it features a commercial fetishism that tends to ground any social and cultural activity in the desire for commercial interests. This fetishism is best demonstrated in the well-known public slogan, yiqie xiang qian kan, which means that “everything looks towards money”. Second, it promotes the interactions of subjects from different social layers through consumption activities, of which consuming popular texts is an integral part. As a matter of fact, in today’s China capitalism efficiently turns consumer desires into the ligament of a new public sphere.[viii]
Based on such understanding of the post-socialist Chinese society, this paper will focus on cyber-literature, a distinguished space of the online public sphere where the netizens articulate their ideological thoughts and political passions through literary imagination. I argue that the dominant consumer culture has made possible the cyber-literature articulation of the counter-memory, which contradicts with the official discourses of the neoliberal state. To facilitate this central argument, the article is structured into three parts. The first part analyzes the process of the commercialization of Chinese cyber-literature by focusing on the running mechanism of the most successful mainland cyber-literature website Qidian.com. I argue that this commercialized online space, as a result of the development of the consumer culture, has created a moderate opportunity for Chinese netizens to articulate their own feelings with their own voice.
I then provide a case study of a prominent cyber-literature story Xieqi linran (Cool Evil 2007)[ix] in relation to the popular memory of Chinese netizens. The serialization of Cool Evil struck up immense fervor among cyber-literature readers. Throughout 2007 it was one of the most popular topics in the virtual communities at Qidian.com and beyond. In the second part, I argue that the popular memory that the writer and readers of Cool Evil draw on is the traditional notion of yi (righteousness or chivalry). Yi is revitalized as a sentiment of discontent with the oppressive structure of the neoliberal state. In the last part, I argue that Cool Evil justifies yi as the foundation for a plebeian community, thus offers a discursive possibility that counters the dominant profit-seeking social milieu.
The Commercialization of Cyber-literature: The Formation of an Online Space for the Counter-memory
Cyber-literature to date has yet to have a unanimous definition. In this article “cyber-literature” refers to fictional narratives that are (1) created by netizens; (2) originally released online; (3) almost exclusively circulated and responded to on an anonymous basis in cyber-space. Chinese cyber-literature has existed since China was first connected to the World Wide Web in 1994, but its “golden age” did not come until the new millennium. Chinese cyber-literature in the 2000s has firmly taken the path of commercialization, rhyming with the general trend of “everything looking towards money” in the increasingly consumption-oriented society.
Qidian.com has since October 2003 launched the “Fufei yuedu” (Pay to Read) service. Writers usually serialize their works on a daily basis. Readers can read for free some beginning chapters, but in order to read the whole work they have to become VIP users and pay for subscription. Writers get paid by how many subscriptions their works receive. This mode has made Qidian.com a huge commercial success and the dominant force in the cyber-literature-related market of China. According to an interview with CEO of Qidian.com Wu Wenhui, Qidian.com has been making profits since its initiation of commercial running in October 2003. It has so far 200,000 original novels in store, 150,000 on-site writers, and close-to-300-million visits per day.[x]
By July 2008, the number of netizens in China had reached 253 million. Considering how popular Qidian.com is among Chinese netizens, a significant number of them have participated in cyber-literature-related activities. Qidian.com is owned by an IT company, but its commercial survival makes it necessary that the website has a large variety of cyber-literary texts for the readers’ selection. For this reason Qidian.com sets few criteria of screening the writers. Any person with basic literacy and Internet access may post their writings on Qidian.com. The production costs of cyber-stories are so low that cyber-literature becomes an affordable public access for the netizens to articulate their feelings and thoughts. Compared to film, TV series, and books in print form whose production expenses most people have no way to afford, cyber-literature offers a viable means by which the netizens could participate in the public life. Besides this, the “Pay to Read” mode focuses more on the total number of pay-to-read customers than on how much money an individual reader pays. The price to read at Qidian.com is set at a reasonably low level that most Chinese netizens can afford.[xi]
Qidian.com not only provides an inexpensive platform for producing and purchasing cyber literature works, but also creates virtual communities where the mutual communications of writers and readers are made possible. At the homepage of Qidian.com, one can easily find the access to on-site virtual communities like geren kongjian (blogs), pinglun (forums), and julebu (reader’s clubs). Because the writers’ financial interests are directly related to the readers’ subscriptions, the writers actively partake in discussions in these virtual communities and care much about the readers’ responses to their works. The writers often ask their readers questions like “what should I write next?” and actually incorporate the ideas and thoughts from the readers into later serializations. John Fiske posits, “if the cultural commodities or texts do not contain resources out of which the people can make their own meanings of their social relations and identities … They will not be made popular”.[xii] Works on Qidian.com are welcomed by mass readers precisely because those works directly embody thoughts and passions not only of the writers, but also of themselves. The virtual communities help make cyber-literature a field that invites the production of meanings in consumption, through which inter-subjective communication is made possible.
Freedom of speech is also partially realized in the virtual realms of Qidian.com. There is no doubt that the media order set by the party-state in contemporary Chinese society still upholds the principle that media should serve the needs of party politics. That the 1989 crackdown on Tiananmen Square in fact put an end to the moral legitimacy of the old party-state system,[xiii] has made it more urgent for the state to censor mass media so that the articulation of discontent with the state could be kept at bay. The government blocks many topics it considers sensitive or controversial and often punishes those who try to get around those bans.[xiv] However, on account of the nature of its production and consumption, cyber-literature could by and large bypass the governmental censorship. According to the aforementioned interview with Wu Wenhui, more than thirty million words of new works are produced on Qidian.com every day. Readers’ responses also contribute significantly to the daily increase of on-site virtual texts. With the overwhelming amount of new virtual texts posted per day, censors of Chinese government have so far neither enough resources nor feasible technological means to set up a permanent and effective censoring mechanism over Qidian.com. Furthermore, registered users of Qidian.com mostly remain anonymous when they buy, read, and comment on cyber literature works.[xv] This “invisibility” protects readers from direct surveillance and possible persecution coming from the government for giving politically sensitive speech.
In a nutshell, the commercial cyber-literature websites like Qidian.com have combined profit-seeking motives, consumer desires, and Internet technologies to create the literary cyber-space in post-socialist China. The new space provides an “easy to write & easy to read” platform for Chinese netizens. It bolsters the communication between cyber-literature writers and readers through virtual dialogues, and literally makes cyber-literature writing a process of mass production. It also provides new possibilities for Chinese mass media to at least partially circumvent the party-state’s censorship. Suffice it to say that the newly-constructed cyber-literature space has created a moderate opportunity for the netizens to articulate their own feelings with their own voice. The existence of this space makes possible the various online articulations of the counter-memory in the post-socialist era.
The Counter-memory in Cool Evil: Yi as a Sentiment of Discontent
The popular knowledge of the counter-memory in the cyber-literature articulations covers a wide arrange of topics, themes, and ethos. It appropriates Chinese cultural materials through a variety of angles. However, as Eugenia Lean suggests, we can also identify a global pattern among non-Western societies of the strategic employment of pre-existing “traditional” forms of virtue and sentiment in their creation of modern societies.[xvi] In this light, we find that traditional Chinese culture also becomes the source of the popular memory for some cyber-literature works. Cool Evil, the key work I will analyze in this article, is a good example. In January 2007 writer “Tiaowu” (Dancing) started to serialize Cool Evil on Qidian.com.
Yi, or righteousness/chivalry, constitutes the popular memory of the writer and readers of Cool Evil. The articulation of yi abounds in pre-modern literary representations, of which the classic vernacular novel Shuihu zhuan (Outlaws of the Marsh, hereafter SHZ)[xvii] is one of the most prominent cases. SHZ is a literary description of the insurgence led by Song Jiang. Starting from Gao Qiu’s rise to power and persecution of the faithful and upright, the novel depicts that the heroes in the country gathered in the Liangshan Mountain to start an uprising, and then they were offered amnesty and enlistment by the imperial court. After conquering the state of Liao and another uprising army led by Fang La, they were murdered by treacherous court officials. Yi is the central theme of SHZ. One interpretation of yi in SHZ is “personal honor” that tends to emphasize reciprocity among friends or brothers who are mainly from plebian backgrounds. Through adhering to the code of yi the Liangshan heroes create Jianghu, a private and plebeian domain that is often beyond the control of the government.[xviii] Another interpretation denotes yi as “the heroic code of righteous loyalty” that “ensures the cohesion of a (mythic) communal and quasi-biological brotherhood”.[xix] By combining the two interpretations we could get a general picture of yi in SHZ.