Transracial Adoption 1
Running head: TRANSRACIAL ADOPTION AND COMMUNICATION
Transracial Adoption and Communication: Exploring the Influence of Whiteness on the Communication of Korean Adoptees
Brenna L. LeClair
University of Wisconsin-La Crosse
Abstract
This study was conducted to find a deeper meaning of what it means to be a Korean adoptee of White American parents. Building on previous communication research, the researcher examined the ways in which a transracial adoptee’s cultural-racial identity influences communication through different racial and cultural contexts. Ten Korean adoptees were interviewed over instant messaging services. The interview questions explored the background and socialization of adoptees, the extent to which they felt Whiteness, the influence of culture on communication and perception, and interpersonal relationships. The study was qualitative in nature and data was examined using constant comparative analysis. The researcher combined the messages into seven categories: I have White American culture; Culture influences the context in which communication occurs; Race and culture are not as important as accepting and understanding; Achievements and success should be based on merit and the opportunities one chooses to take; My racial heritage and ancestry have no significant influence on my life in America; Cultural diversity and awareness is important; I’ve had unique experiences due to my transracial adoptee status. The research uncovered ways in which adoptees identify themselves, how culture influences interaction, and the experiences resulting from the unique cultural-racial identity of Korean adoptees.
Transracial Adoption and Communication: Exploring the Influence of Whiteness on the Communication of Korean Adoptees
International adoption to the United States creates a unique situation where the adoptee is most likely to be transracial—where the adoptive parents and the child are racially different (Baden, 2007). Because the child is of a different race and socialized most commonly by White, middle class American parents with a White culture, adoptees can develop a wide range of cultural-racial identities (Baden). If Korean adoptees identify with the White culture of their adoptive parents (Pro-Parent Cultural Identity) and feel most comfortable associating with White people (Pro-Parent Racial Identity), as shown in the Cultural-Racial Identity Model (Baden), it is possible that they are experiencing Whiteness and/or White privilege without being racially White. Martin, Krizek, Nakayama, & Bradford (1996) use the term “Whiteness” to focus on the pan-ethnic experience of Whites who have been born in the United States. Further, Bahk and Jandt (2004) state that “Whiteness, as a discursive practice, embraces concepts of privilege, power, authority, normalcy, legitimacy, beauty, purity, and refinement” (p. 59). Applying this unique concept of Whiteness in the identities of transracial adoptees may influence interpersonal communication, whether it is between strangers, friends, or romantic partners, with differences in the racial and social framework of the interaction. If adoptees are experiencing Whiteness, the communication going on in their everyday interactions could be different from intra-cultural same-race or interracial intercultural communication.
From official statistics from the Korean Ministry of Health and Welfare, as cited in McGinnis (2007), between 1953 and 2004, a total of 156,242 South Korean children were sent to predominately Western nations for adoption, not including the unaccounted-for private adoptions. This figure shows that there are a significant number of Korean adoptees who can benefit immensely from research specifically pertaining to their lives and identities. The research
around this area of study is small and the academic resources are very limited; however, further research is needed to find a deeper meaning of what it means to be a transracial adoptee of White adoptive parents living and communicating in the United States. Transracial adoption is also a controversial issue that influences geopolitical matters—representing a broader range of importance beyond individual lives. This research uses qualitative interviews and constant comparative analysis.
Review of Literature
This literature review will investigate previous communication research on Whiteness and White privilege, the findings on anxiety/uncertainty management theory, studies of interracial interpersonal relationships, and research on adoption to demonstrate the need for further studies on Korean adoptees and their communication.
Whiteness
Whiteness is an ambiguous term that is hard to define, especially when researchers ask white respondents to define it themselves (Jackson, 1999). Jackson researched White space and White privilege. White participants were asked what Whiteness or White culture is and they were unable to provide a clear answer. Martin et al. (1996) explored Whiteness differently by examining how college students in the United States label themselves and how they want to be labeled by others, which is one way of understanding Whiteness. They found that White and Caucasian were the top two labels that the respondents preferred for both labeling themselves and for labels used by members who are not White. Bahk and Jandt (2004) foundthat non-Whites are more aware of White privilegethan Whites, and that Whites tend to take a neutral position when asked about the White racial dominance in the United States. Bahk and Jandt (2003) also found that the perception of Whiteness is a significant indicator of interracial communication anxiety among the first-generation Korean immigrants and sojourners and that
the higher the proficiency in the English language, the less the level of communication anxiety towards Whites. Although research on Whiteness increases society’s understanding on how White identity affects both Whites and non-Whites, the application of Whiteness in Korean adoptees is focused on how non-Whites are able to identify with the dominant White culture.
Anxiety/Uncertainty Management Theory
Anxiety/uncertainty management theory explains how intercultural interaction is managed by reducing uncertainty and anxiety about the interaction (Gudykunst, 2005). According to Hammer, Wiseman, Rasmussen, and Bruschke (1998):
Uncertainty reduction is a cognitive process in which the individual attempts to understand another and his/her situation by making proactive predications about the other’s attitudes, values, feelings, beliefs and behaviors and by creating plausible retroactive explanations for the other’s behavior (p. 310).
Love and Powers (2002) explored communication between female university students in the United Arab Emirates and first-year faculty from western countries to study cultural messages influencing communication, anxiety/uncertainty management theory, and the communication strategies used by the students. Miller and Samp (2007) extend the theory of anxiety/uncertainty management in their study of 108 female, White American students who completed measures of self-monitoring and tolerance for ambiguity by responding to a videotape of either a White American or native Korean student with whom they believed they would be meeting. Miller and Samp suggested that the type and complexity of plans prior to intercultural versus intra-cultural conversations might not be very different at all, judging from the responses of the White American participants. Adapting the anxiety/uncertainty management theory to Korean adoptees with White cultural-racial identities could procure information about the ways in which Korean adoptees manage same-race intercultural interaction (different cultures) as well as same-race intra-cultural interaction (interaction with Asians who identify with the same White culture as the adoptees).
Interracial Interpersonal Relationships
Previous studies on interracial interpersonal relationships demonstrate the need for more research on the interracial interpersonal relationships found in the lives of transracial adoptees in the United States. Diggs and Clark (2002) talk about identifying and managing identities in an interracial friendship, specifically in their own relationship as two female communication scholars, one Black and one White. The researchers discovered their own communication difficulties which included: the use of unknowingly loaded words, having unclear intentions and assumptions about the other person, code switching between contexts, attempts to convey the seriousness versus the trivialness of the encounter, and how to listen to each other’s perspectives. Martin, Bradford, Drzewiecka, and Chitgopekar (2003) demonstrate that some of the challenges of interracial relationships in relation to society have changed very little in the past 20 years. Thompson and Collier (2006) interviewed interracial marital partners to uncover intersecting cultural and relational identifications. One of the challenges faced by the couples was how to negotiate and manage racial issues and discrimination at the institutional level when the issues intersected with their own personal relationships. Foeman and Nance (2002) explored the relationship strategies used by Black-White interracial couples. While previous research in communication studies has emphasized the differences and barriers between Black-White interpersonal styles, the authors attempt to show that communication across racial lines does in fact work effectively. Foeman and Nance also suggest that the negative implications of an interracial relationship seem to be more unclear or blurred to the White partner; however, some participants did in fact sense a loss of privilege while dating outside of racial lines.Harris and Kalbfleisch (2000) explore the implications of race for initiating a romantic relationship. They
found that race of a potential partner directly affects the verbal strategies one may use for date initiation and that socialization on the issues of race, race relations, and interracial communication influences if the relationship is even an option. Studying the interpersonal relationships of Korean adoptees with White cultural-racial identities could show the influence of an adoptee’s unique identity on cultural and racial preferences in potential romantic partners and friends as well as provide information on how an adoptee communicates and manages his/her White identity in the formation and maintenance of interracial interpersonal relationships.
Adoption
Although there is limited research on adoption in the Communication field, some previous research is relevant to further studies on transracial adoptees. Ventureyra, Pallier, and Yoo (2004) studied a group of native Koreans who were adopted by French-speaking families and who have not used the Korean language for many years. The results suggest that they cannot recognize Korean sentences or identify Korean words. Rueter and Koerner (2008) found that adopted adolescents had a significantly greater risk for adjustment problems compared to non-adopted adolescents when studying family communication patterns. The conclusions from Kaye and Warren (1988) ran “counter to the widely held hypothesis about adoptees’ denial and suppression of ambivalent feelings” (p. 428) from that time, which means that when adolescent adoptees deny having feelings of difference or disadvantage, they were most likely honest. The Cultural-Racial Identity Model from Baden (2007) combines the four possible cultural identities with each of the four possible racial identities to create sixteen potential cultural-racial identities. The model “serves as the first attempt to conceptualize the identity experiences of transracial adoptees” and “has been the first model to make purposeful distinctions between race and culture and their separate influences on identity” (Baden, pp. 374-375). Further research on how cultural-racial identities of Korean adoptees influence their communication with others will be
beneficial to society.
Research Questions
Transracial adoption is a unique phenomenon that may be interrelated with the concept of Whiteness, anxiety/uncertainty management theory, and interracial interpersonal relationships. The following research questions have been created in response to the three areas that necessitate further research specifically involving Korean adoption:
RQ1: To what extent do Korean adoptees feel a sense of Whiteness or White privilege due to their unique socialization with White, middle class American parents?
RQ2: In what ways does the unique cultural-racial identity of a Korean adoptee influence the communication in his/her own interpersonal relationships?
RQ3: How will the unique cultural-racial identity of a Korean adoptee influence the anxiety/uncertainty feelings, perceptions and/or the communication in an interaction or anticipated interaction within a same-race (both intercultural and intra-cultural) context?
RQ4: If a Korean adoptee with White culture dates someone who is culturally and racially White, what kinds of relational dynamics, advantages, and challenges occur?
Methods
This study was conducted using a qualitative research approach with in-depth, online/instant messaging interviews for data collection. In order to gain a deeper understanding of the perceptions and communication experiences of Korean adoptees, discourse from participants was needed for the researcher to probe beyond the surface answers. The semi-structured interviews allowed the researcher to explore the topic of transracial adoption and communication “more openly and to allow interviewees to express their opinions and ideas in their own words” (Esterberg, 2002, p. 87).
Participants
Participants for the research were Korean adoptees living in the United States who were between the ages of 21-35 years at the time of the interviews with White, American parents. The number of Korean participants for the study was ten persons. Although the researcher attempted to obtain the same number of male and female participants, only 3 males were interviewed. Further, the non-random key-informant sample was from a combination of the researcher’s network (mostly college students) and snowballing (referrals).
Collection Method
The data collected for this project is from semi-structured online/instant messaging interviews involving broad questions to guide the discourse, with probing questions that followed. The participants were exposed to a basic set of questions that could be adapted to accommodate each participant’s responses. All interviews, because they took place online, have electronic transcripts/logs that were automatically saved by choosing certain program preferences.
Data Analysis
The data collected in interviews were explored using constant comparative analysis. First, using the interview transcripts, the researcher used open coding to identify themes and labels that seem of interest by moving through the printed data (Esterberg, 2002) and combined statements together to fit into the labels. After, the researcher began to combine the labels into broader categories. Recognizing if the Korean adoptee feels a sense of Whiteness and noticing how the cultural-racial identity of the adoptee influences his/her communication was important.
Results
The interviews resulted in 490 messages. After coding and categorizing labels, the messages formed into 7 main emergent categories as shown in Table I.
Table I.
Emergent Categories of Korean Adoption and Communication
I have White American culture
Culture influences the context in which communication occurs
Race and culture are not as important as accepting and understanding
Achievements and success should be based on merit and the opportunities one chooses to take
My racial heritage and ancestry have no significant influence on my life in America
Cultural diversity and awareness is important
I’ve had unique experiences due to my transracial adoptee status
The emergent categories provide insight into the lives and experiences of Korean adoptees with White American (adoptive) parents. Names have been changed to maintain confidentiality.
I have White American culture
One of the most important and largest categories that emerged during analysis confirms that Korean adoptees can have White or White American culture despite their racial appearances. The White American culture that most participants said they identify with is represented in statements that show feelings of Whiteness, the lack of knowledge towards different Asian cultures, the racial makeup of social networks, and interaction experiences that incorporate specific cultural contexts. Most of the adoptees have either mentioned themselves or agreed that they could be called or compared to a Twinkie—white on the inside, yellow on the outside, as long as the term is used in a funny, lighthearted way. Erin explains further: “There is truth in [the term Twinkie] because a lot of people feel like that. This is much different than ‘chink’ or ‘gook’ which are used as derogatory slurs and which make me really angry.”
An example of having White American culture can be shown when Jill said, “Yes, I feel White—until I look in the mirror and see that I’m not.” Jenny also demonstrates this sense of Whiteness in her similar statement: “At times I seriously forget that I am Korean until I go to the bathroom and look in the mirror and see that I am not Caucasian.” Put more bluntly though, Erin simply explains: “To me there is only one culture, and it is White American.”
This sense of Whiteness and the extent to which the adoptees are immersed in the White culture affects the adoptees identification with Asian-cultured Asians and can be correlated with the racial makeup of the adoptees’ environments. Anna writes in her interview, “I was never really exposed to Asian people growing up…When I moved to the suburbs and went to public school, there were other Asians, and I never felt more out of place.” Other adoptees experienced