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Perceived Professor Verbal Immediacy and Race
RUNNING HEAD: Perceived Professor Verbal Immediacy and Race
Multicultural Relations in Higher Education: Students’ Perceptions of College Professor Verbal
Immediacy as Impacted by Race
Kasey L. Serdar
WestminsterCollege
McNair Scholars ProgramAbstract
As the percentage of minorities enrolled in education increases, it is vital to consider how the racial background of students and teachers impacts students’ capacity to communicate with their instructors. The present study examined whether students’ ratings of professors’ verbal immediacy differed based on both the race of the student, and that of the professor. Two-hundred-seventy-eight college students (from White/Caucasian, Black/African-American, and Hispanic/Latino backgrounds) were surveyed about their perceptions of the verbal immediacy of a fictitious professor of a race either congruent or incongruent with their own. Results indicated that students viewed professors of an incongruent race to be less verbally immediate. This difference approached significance at trend level, and was strongest for the Black/African-American group. These findings underscore the impact of racial relations and perceptions on interactions in educational settings, regardless of subject content and pedagogical style.
Multicultural Relations in Higher Education: Students’ Perceptions of College Professor Verbal Immediacy as Impacted by Race
The connection that develops between teacher and student has been shown to have critical effects on aspects of students’ school adaptation. Individuals’ ability to excel in an academic environment is impacted, at least partially, by the degree to which they are able to form concrete, open relationships with educators. As students progress through school, the academic culture transforms to a more formal, evaluative setting, in which students are expected to live up to strict standards of performance. In the wake of this transforming educational environment, the value of solid teacher-student relationships is not diminished. This is especially true for students from underrepresented minority groups (e.g. Black/African-American, Hispanic/Latino), as these groups are not always encouraged to pursue educational goals with significant vigor. As the percentage of minorities enrolled in education increases, it is vital to consider how racial background (of both students and instructors) impacts students’ capacity to relate to and communicate with their instructors. While some research has been conducted to examine how teachers perceive and interact with students from underrepresented racial groups, less research has been performedto explore how multicultural issues affect students’ perceptions of professors. The purpose of the present study is to examine whether professors’ racial background (White/Caucasian, Black/African-American, or Hispanic/Latino) impacts students’ perceptions of verbal immediacy. The study also examines students’ racial background, with the assumption that such factors may affect his or her perceptions of professors of different races.
Teacher-Student Interaction
Research has indicated that the relationship between student and teacher is one that can have a profound influence on a student’s achievement, motivation, and aspirations for the future. Numerous studies have shown that high quality teacher-student interactions are linked to more positive educational experiences for students (e.g. Birch & Ladd, 1996;Wentzel, 1997; Christophel, 1990). Research by Birch and Ladd (1996) demonstrated how the bond between teacher and student is established early in a child’s development, and how such critical connections have the power facilitate healthy adjustment in educational settings. This study hypothesized that students who felt support from adult figures at school (i.e. teachers) would be more likely to display positive adaptation in educational settings. Two hundred and six kindergarteners and their instructors were surveyed about students’ perceived closeness, dependency, and conflict with their teachers. In conjunction, measures were taken to evaluate students’ academic performance, school attitudes, and positive engagement in the classroom environment. Results indicate that closeness between student and teacher was related to students’ increased levels of academic performance. This suggests that teachers are powerful figures in the lives of most children; other studies indicate that when considered in conjunction with peers, parents, and other social influences, teachers have been found to have the most direct influence on children’s interest in school(e.g.Wentzel, 1997).
Studies on the importance of the teacher-student connection in childhood (see Birch & Ladd, 1996) have been further developed by research examining the value of the teacher-student relationship in adolescence. As children move through their education, the structure of the school environment transforms from an informal, noncompetitive setting that is normally seen in elementary school, to the more formal, competitive, evaluative structure that is typical of middle school, high school, and college. This structural transformation in the educational environment is also frequently marked by increased reinforcement of extrinsic motivators (e.g. grades) over intrinsic motivators (e.g. personal interest in a topic; Harter, 1996).
As the academic setting transforms, so too does the relationship of students with their instructors. Teachers are a medium by which the changing attitudes, values, and expectations of the more formalized instructional environment of middle school and high school are communicated (Harter, 1996). In her summary of research about teacher influences on students’ scholastic achievement, Harter (1996) stated, “teachers not only instruct, but serve to represent and communicate a particular educational philosophy, including the standards by which students will be evaluated” (p. 11). As teachers indirectly clarify and enforce the standards of education, students’ perceptions of and relationships with their teachers change. Research has indicated that students perceive teachers to be more evaluative with each increasing grade level(Harter, Whitesell, & Kowalski, 1992). Further, the shift from elementary to middle school has been found to lead students to reevaluate their competence in the new educational setting. In a 7-month longitudinal study, Harter, Whitesell, and Kowalski (1992) found that 50 percent of students experienced feeling more or less competent when entering middle school from elementary, while the remaining 50 percent reported feeling relatively stable in their perceptions of competence.
Because studentscome to reevaluate their aptitude upon entering a more formalized academic setting, it seems clear that having encouraging relationships with educators would positively effect adolescents’ educational adjustment. Research supports a relationship between solid teacher-student relationships and students’ positive academic transition in adolescence (e.g. (Wentzel, 1997; Wentzel, 2002). Results of Wenzel (1997) indicate that there is a significant correlation between early adolescent students’ perceptions of their teachers’ level of caring and students’ drive for achievement. The study surveyed 375 eighth grade students (a subset of which were followed for 3 years) about perceived caring they felt from teachers. Results of the examination indicate that young adolescent students (sixth to eighth grade) who feel supported by their teachers were more motivated to achieve their goals. Students’ perceptions of being cared for and valued, especially by teachers in a formal classroom setting, prompted students to become more involved in classroom activities. The study alsosuggestedthat a solid connection between student and teacher works to enhance students’ development by promoting positive feelings of self worth.
Research has also been conducted to explore faculty-student relationships on college campuses. Many of the investigations about the dynamics of teacher-student relationships in higher education have been conducted within the context of verbal and nonverbal immediacy behaviors. Immediacy was originally defined by Mehrabian (1967) as the level of perceived physical and/or psychological closeness between individuals. Based on this construct, research examining teachers’ verbal immediacy has explored vocal behaviors that instructors use to decrease physical and/or psychological distance between themselves and their students (Christophel, 1990; Christophel & Gorham, 1995). Such verbal behaviors would include: addressing students by name, asking open-ended questions of students, encouraging students to talk, having conversations with students before and after class, and soliciting viewpoints from students (Christophel, 1990; Christophel & Gorham, 1995). Similarly, nonverbal immediacy behaviors are non-vocal behaviors that communicate an instructor’s openness and approachability (e.g. smiling, relaxed body position;Gorham, 1988; Christophel, 1990; Christophel & Gorham, 1995).
Many studies have shown a positive relationship between perceived instructor immediacy and students’ motivation (Christophel, 1990; Christophel & Gorham, 1995; Richmond, 1990; Frymier, 1994), affective, and cognitive learning(Christophel, 1990; Gorham, 1988; Rodriguez & Plax, 1996). Christophel (1990) surveyed undergraduate students about their instructors’ use of both verbal and nonverbal immediacy behaviors, while also administering measures to gauge students’ level of state motivation (engagement in current classroom setting). Results of the study indicated that teachers’ use of immediacy behaviors (both verbal and nonverbal) is positively correlated with students’ state motivation. In addition, this study also found that students’ level of cognitive and affective learning was positively related to teacher immediacy. Gorham (1988) also examined college students’ perceptions of instructors’ verbal immediacy and its impact on cognitive and affective learning outcomes. Results of this research also supported a link between an instructor’s level of verbal immediacy and learning for students. A variety of verbal behaviors, most specifically instructors’ use of humor, praise of students’ work, and frequency of initiating informal conversations with students seem to predict more positive cognitive and affective learning outcomes for students.
Research has shown that, in addition to having a positive impact on students’ motivation and learning, instructor immediacy (verbal and nonverbal) is also related to students’ willingness to communicate with faculty members. Jaasma and Koper (1999) surveyed 274 students about both perceptions of instructors’ verbal and nonverbal immediacy and their levels of out-of-class communication with instructors. Findings from the study suggest that frequency and length of students’ out-of-class communication with their instructors was most closely linked to students’ perceptions of instructors’ verbal immediacy. Students spoke more frequently, and for longer periods of time, with professors they perceived to be more verbally immediate than professors they did not feel were verbally immediate. Thus, it seems that verbal immediacy helps students create more open, collaborative relationships with instructors by helping students feel at ease when communicating about various topics.
This line of research has shown that students’ motivation and learning can be altered by student’s perceptions of an instructors’ verbal immediacy. The level of openness an instructor establishes, both inside and outside of the educational setting, can profoundly influence students’ desire to succeed in the course. Students’ perceptions of a professor’s verbal immediacy also influence students’ communication with faculty members, an often essential component to academic attainment. If students are not willing to interact with a teacher because they perceive that instructor to be less approachable and verbally immediate, such restraint could negatively impact students’ capacity to attain success in academic environments.
Presence and Achievement of Minorities in Academic Settings
It is critical to examine aspects of teacher-student relationships in relation to race, becausecertain racial groups (i.e. Hispanic/Latino) are among the fastest growing segments of the population of the United States. It is estimated that in 2000, approximately 12.7 % of the United States’ population was Black/African-American, and 12.6% was Hispanic/Latino. These percentages are expected to increase, with population projections estimating that Black/African-American and Hispanic/Latino populations will comprise 13.5% and 17.8 % of the United States population in 2020. There has also been increasing representation of students from various racial backgrounds enrolled in higher education in recent years. In 2000, Black/African-American students comprised 14 % of student populations, and Hispanic/Latino students represented 9 % of students on college campuses. Further, statistics indicate that roughly 12 % of college students in the United States are foreign born. These estimates mark a dramatic increase in minority student enrollment when compared to statistics from 1979, when 84 % of college students were from White/non-Hispanic backgrounds, and Black/African-American students comprised only 10 % of student populations(U. S. Bureau of the Census, 2002).
While there has been an increase in minority populations and underrepresented college student enrollment in the United States, research has indicated that students from certain minority groups still display disproportionately high rates of dropout from academic settings (e.g. Rumberger, 1995; Steele, 1997; Griffin, 2002). For instance, statistics from Kaufman, Alt, and Chapman (2004) indicated that Black/African-American and Hispanic/Latino students, ages 16-24, drop out of school at rates of roughly 10.9% and 27%. These rates are significantly elevated when compared to the 7% attrition rate for White/Caucasian students. Further, dropout rates among Hispanic/Latino students are 2 to 3.5 times higher than dropout rates of White/non-Latino students (NationalCenter for Education Statistics, 2000).The high incidence of drop is seen for certain groups in both secondary and post secondary education; studies indicate that approximately 62% of Black/African-American college students do not finish their college education as compared to the national dropout rate of 41%. In addition, only 16% of second generation Hispanic/Latino students who graduate high school earn their bachelor’s degree (Hispanics enroll in college at high rates, but many fail to graduate; American Council on Education, 1995-1996).
There have been many proposed causes for the higher rates of dropout among students from particular racial groups. Numerous studies have indicated that the interaction of individual and social factors influence minority students’ attrition. In a multilevel analysis of students’ dropping out of middle school, Rumberger (1995) found that students from Black/African-American, Hispanic/Latino, and other racial groups dropout of school largely as a result of family characteristics, such as lower socioeconomic status, limited parental academic support, limited parental supervision, and lower parental educational expectations. In addition, it was found that schools with the higher dropout rates educated more students from minority and lower socioeconomic backgrounds. Research has also indicated that neighborhood characteristics (Vartanian & Gleason, 1999) and school characteristics (Rumberger, 1995) impact minority students’ likelihood of dropping out of school. Such research reveals that coming from low-income neighborhoods(Vartanian & Gleason, 1999) and/or being held back in school, showing high rates of absenteeism, misbehavior, and poor academic performance (Rumberger, 1995) are predictive of a greater likelihood of drop out for minority students.
Further research has indicated that Black/African-American and Hispanic/Latino students’ rate of academic attrition seems to be related to decreased levels of academic identification (degree to which an individual’s self-esteem is affected by academic attainment). Numerous studies have shown that students from such underrepresented backgrounds are more likely to disidentify from academic endeavors than their White/Caucasian and Asian American counterparts. Such disidentification, in conjunction with other factors, provides some explanation for higher rates of drop out among students from these backgrounds. If students do not consider their educational attainment to reflect at least some aspects of their own self-worth, such students may be less concerned about limited achievement in academic settings(Steele, 1992;Osborne, 1997;Griffin, 2002).
The Benefits of Concrete Teacher-Student Relationships to Minority Students
The establishment of a concrete teacher-student relationship seems to be especially important for students of underrepresented racial backgrounds (i.e. Black/African-American, Hispanic/Latino), as such relationships can often serve as a buffer to many of the other obstacles that such students face in their education.One of the major forms of extended teacher-student interaction has come through faculty mentoring of students. Research has shown that mentoring, an act in which a teacher or other role model works to provide “wise and friendly counsel,” is relatively effective in helping minority students attain success in academic settings (seeRedmond, 1990, p. 188). Studies also indicate that mentoring relationships most often develop informally, in which a mutual bond between teacher and student develops naturally, as both parties grow to know and like each other. While this type of teacher-student interaction is usually less structured than in formal mentoring (students are assigned a faculty mentor), students and professors benefit from informal mentoring because such relationships are usually based on similar interests and needs from both parties(Redmond, 1990).
Informal mentoring relationships generally focus on the students’ long-range career aspirations.Withthe guidance and support that can come from a faculty mentor, students learn skills, behaviors, and attitudes that help them gain accomplishments in the academic realm(Trujillo, 1986). Redmond (1990) summarized the aspects and benefits of mentoring for underrepresented students in academic settings. Mentoring relationships, according to Redmond, address causes of minority student drop out by promoting closer contact between students and faculty, providing intervention when students experience academic difficulty, and by creating a “culturally validating psychosocial atmosphere” (p. 199).
Despite evidence that mentoring helps underrepresented students succeed in academic settings, research indicates that the development of mentoring relationships between faculty and underrepresented students are somewhat rare (Blackwell, 1989; Redmond, 1989; Davidson & Foster-Johnson, 2001). Blackwell (1989) found that only one of every eight Black/African-American students develops a mentoring relationship with a faculty member as an undergraduate. Further, even fewer (7%) Black/African-American students reported having opportunities to work with professors of the same racial background. While there are many factors that affect the development of mentoring relationships between students and instructors, one of the major issues in the development of such critical connections is that the informal relationships are usually established between individuals who feel comfortable with each other (Trujillo, 1986). This reality is problematic for students from minority backgrounds, because such students may not feel as comfortable interacting with White/Caucasian instructors from White/Caucasian backgrounds (Redmond, 1990).